# On this and other worlds

Voices from Amazonia

Edited by Kristine Stenzel Bruna Franchetto

Studies in Diversity Linguistics 17

### Studies in Diversity Linguistics

Chief Editor: Martin Haspelmath

In this series:


ISSN: 2363-5568

# On this and other worlds

Voices from Amazonia

Edited by Kristine Stenzel Bruna Franchetto

Kristine Stenzel & Bruna Franchetto (eds.). 2017. *On this and other worlds*: *Voices from Amazonia* (Studies in Diversity Linguistics 17). Berlin: Language Science Press. This title can be downloaded at: http://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/167 © 2017, the authors Published under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 Licence (CC BY 4.0):

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ISBN: 978-3-96110-018-7 (Digital)

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ISSN: 2363-5568

DOI:10.5281/zenodo.892102

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Illustration: Auxiliadora Figueiredo, Cédric Yvinec, Estevão Socot, Lidia

Sakyrabiar, Miguel Cabral Junior, Moisés Galvez Trinidade, Ozélio Sakyrabiar, Sebastian Nordhoff, Sepé Kuikuro

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## **Contents**


### Contents

## **8 Sakurabiat** Ana Vilacy Galucio, Mercedes Guaratira Sakyrabiar, Manoel Ferreira Sakyrabiar, Rosalina Guaratira Sakyrabiar & Olimpio Ferreira Sakyrabiar **331 III Ancestors and tricksters 9 Kĩsêdjê** Rafael Nonato, Kujusi Suyá, Jamthô Suyá & Kawiri Suyá **355 10 Kwaza** Hein van der Voort, Edileusa Kwaza, Zezinho Kwaza & Mario Aikanã **387**

### **11 Aikanã**


## **Acknowledgments**

Our heartfelt thanks go to all the master narrators, indigenous researchers, and academic scholars for their priceless contributions, patience, and hard work in bringing these narratives to light. We are also grateful to Martin Haspelmath and the Studies in Diversity Linguistics editorial board for their enthusiastic response to our proposal and encouragement throughout its development. Very special acknowledgment is due to Sebastian Nordhoff for his technical expertise and boundless patience as well as to Rafael Nonato and Gustavo Godoy for their generous assistance in many stages of the project. Finally, we are very grateful to the team of proofreaders who volunteered their time, aiding us with valuable suggestions and finishing touches.

## **Standard abbreviations used in this volume**


### **Chapter 1**

## **Amazonian narrative verbal arts and typological gems**

### Bruna Franchetto

Museu Nacional, Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

### Kristine Stenzel

Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

### **1 Origins**

This volume owes its development to a confluence of circumstances, not least of which is the veritable explosion of scholarship on Amazonian languages that has taken place over the last several decades. Though the description and analysis of the 300 or so still-existing languages spoken in Amazonia<sup>1</sup> is still far from comprehensive, repositories of linguistic and anthropological academic references, such as the *Etnolinguistica* web site, clearly reflect exponential growth in the field since the 1990s.2This same period of expanding academic focus on Amazonian languages also saw the rise of new language documentation efforts and

<sup>2</sup> http://www.etnolinguistica.org/. Of the 358 dissertations or theses on Amazonian languages on file as of May 2017, just 6 were written before 1980, the number jumping to 19 during the next decade and then to 41 during the 1990s (representing some 18 percent of the total on record). Between 2000 and 2010, contributions increased more than fourfold, to 170 (47 percent of the archive), and another 123 have been added in the last six years. We should note that researchers make their own academic works available on this site, so the numbers cited do not represent a fully comprehensive view of all scholarship.

Bruna Franchetto & Kristine Stenzel. 2017. Amazonian narrative verbal arts and typological gems. In Kristine Stenzel & Bruna Franchetto (eds.), *On this and other worlds: Voices from Amazonia*, 1–19. Berlin: Language Science Press. DOI:10.5281/zenodo.1008775

<sup>1</sup> Following Epps & Salanova 2013 "Amazonia" is understood here as comprising both the Amazon and Orinoco basins, covering parts of Brazil, Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador, Colombia, Venezuela, Suriname, and the Guianas. For more on the distribution and state of endangerment of Amazonian languages, see Moore 2008.

### Bruna Franchetto & Kristine Stenzel

the establishment of archives of cultural and linguistic materials in which languages of the region are well represented.<sup>3</sup> The interdisciplinary and highly collaborative nature of most new documentation projects in Amazonia<sup>4</sup> has in turn strengthened dialog between anthropologists and field linguists who recognize the narrative genre as a prime source of both cultural understanding and verbal artistry, especially when offered by knowledgeable and eloquent orators such as those whose voices are represented here. Thus, text analysis — a longstanding element of language documentation in classic Boasian terms — is itself making a welcome comeback.

Our idea to gather a set of narratives from recent documentation projects into an organized volume is a product of this renaissance.<sup>5</sup> However, as word of our initiative began to circulate, the response from interested colleagues quickly threatened to swell the project to near-Amazonian proportions, and we found ourselves forced to make difficult choices. Fully recognizing that our final selection is but a sample of the rich materials available, we can only hope to see more collections of this type organized in the future.

The narratives themselves led us to organize the volume into three broad themes that are highly significant for Amazonian ethnology and its recent developments. The first theme — *Life, death, and the world beyond* — refers to crucial cosmological dimensions and forces us to rethink notions such as death, the dead, life, embodiment, the soul, the spirit, and post-mortem destiny, which are often not well translated or are cannibalized by Western/non-indigenous concepts. The second theme — *Beginnings* — includes fragments of Amerindian philosophy, in which reflection on the origin of beings does not pass through *ex-nihilo* creation, there being no "genesis" in the Judeo-Christian vein. The third theme — *Ancestors and tricksters* — introduces us to a few members of the Amerindian repertoire of comic and crafty characters, and leads us to memories of historical events and into realms of relations, whether among relatives or between enemies, that lie at the heart of societal living, with all its fluid frontiers and rituals.

<sup>3</sup>The DoBeS archive (Volkswagen Foundation, Germany) has materials from 14 Amazonian languages; ELAR (Endangered Languages Archive, University of London/SOAS) over 40; AILLA (Archive of the Indigenous Languages of the Americas, University of Texas Austin) an additional 60. More than 80 languages are included in the documentation archive maintained at the Emilio Goeldi Museum (MPEG, in Pará, Brazil) and another 18 in Indigenous Languages Documentation Project (PRODOCLIN) archive at the Museum of Indigenous Peoples (Museu do Índio/FUNAI, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil).

<sup>4</sup>The "participatory" or "collaborative" paradigm is widely adopted in current documentation projects in Amazonia, which prioritize training of indigenous researchers and high levels of community involvement (see Franchetto & Rice 2014; Stenzel 2014).

<sup>5</sup>As is the *Texts in the Indigenous Languages of the Americas* series, a recently re-established yearly supplement to the *International Journal of American Linguistics.*

1 Amazonian narrative verbal arts and typological gems

### **2 A contribution to Amazonian ethnology**

Each chapter of this book presents a single narrative, an ever-present and much appreciated genre among almost all Amazonian peoples. Each embodies a unique rendition offered by a specific narrator, in circumstances and settings that vary widely: some were offered in a village, town, or intimate home setting in response to a specific request, one was recorded during a community language workshop (Kotiria), others in the course of everyday activities or within the context of a ritual.<sup>6</sup> As we contemplate these diverse settings, we are reminded that the act of narration is never monologic: there is always an audience, there are always interlocutors and "what-sayers". Narration is itself both a communicative and formative act. It not only transmits collective or individual memories, weaving the continuity of a people, clan, sib, or family, but also establishes the limits of social and antisocial behavior (and their consequences), revealing transformations, original and potential, creative or destructive.

At the same time, we can extract from these narratives mythical structures comparable to others in and beyond the Americas, following the paths of Levi Strauss's *esprit humain*. Through narratives, thought is molded, instruction and knowledge are transmitted and refined. The Ka'apor and Kuikuro narratives, for instance, exemplify diffused bits and pieces of pan-Amazonian mythology, crossing frontiers between genres, peoples, and regions. Scatological and obscene, the Ka'apor narrative finds parallels in the oral traditions of many Amazonian groups. The Kuikuro narrative is not only an element of the Upper-Xinguan network, in which peoples of distinct origins and languages share rituals, myths, discourses and each other, but is also a unique female rendition of a narrative heard before only in masculine voices. Feminine voices resound in the Trumai, Hup, Kwaza, and Kotiria narratives as well.

A classic theme in Amazonian mythology, the origins of crucial cultural items – such as songs, rituals, and cultivated plants — are often viewed as gifts or as bounty seized in encounters involving confrontation or alliance between enemies or occupants of "other" worlds. In the Sakurabiat narrative, for example, the origin of corn involves knowledge captured by great shamans from neighboring groups.

The Kalapalo and Trumai live in the same Upper Xingu regional multilingual cultural system, occupying distinct niches due to different degrees of adaptation and incorporation into the system. A comparison of the Kalapalo and Trumai narratives is particularly interesting because both describe funerary rituals and practices, recounting the origins of the Trumai chanted lamentations and some

<sup>6</sup> Links to the audio or video renditions are provided in each chapter.

of the Kalapalo songs performed during the Xinguan mortuary ritual. A Kalapalo man married to a Snake-Woman acquires the songs from his father-in-law; the Trumai people receive their chanted lamentations from the Smooth-billed Ani, a bird. Likewise, the origins of places, such as the Kotiria sacred cemeteries, and elements of the natural environment, such as the Deer's Tomb Constellation of the Hup narrative, lie in similar transformational fluidity and transposition of boundaries between this and other worlds.

Metamorphosis is a pervasive and relevant theme in Amerindian shamanic thought and contemporary Lowland South American ethnology. It evidences communication and change of perspectives between humans and non-humans, between the living and the dead, between blood relatives and affines, us and "others", a challenge to the irreducible and naturalized distinctions in Western thought. Translation, understood in its most ample sense, is a necessary but not mechanical mediation, since translation itself moves, modifies, and creates. In "The death-path teachings", two Marubo spirit-shamans, able to cross the world of spirits and dead people, connect exoteric knowledge with instructive speech. Likewise, a Kuikuro woman travels, still alive, to the upside-down world of the dead and there converses with them and hears their "twisted" words.

Narrative events occur in what is for us a remote "past" or mythological *illo tempore*, or better yet, as one Kuikuro chief puts it, a time "when we were all hyper-beings" speaking the same "language" or making ourselves understood through languages. It was or still is a time, a dimension out of time, or between times, peopled by ancestors and "monstrous" beings, such as the clumsy peopleeater *Khátpy* of the Kĩsêdjê narrative. Indeed, the terms "myth" or "mythological narratives", and "history" or "historical narratives" are frequently used to define or at least suggest what might be considered narrative sub-genres. However, as the Kotiria narrative shows, this is a more-than-fluid frontier where the supposedly self-evident opposition between regimes of memory crumbles.

This fluidity is nowhere clearer than in comparative analysis of evidentials and/or epistemic markers used in narratives, markers that take more into account than the mere qualification of source of information. Such elements may be manipulated by the narrator, sensitive to the occasion and audience, to mark voices of authority. Evidentials or epistemic markers — crucial and often obligatory — first of all define the epistemological status of narrative speech, as we see in the use of the Ka'apor reportative, but above all, reveal ambiguities and porous boundaries. Is the Kuikuro narrative a "myth" about the inverted life of the dead or a "memory" of a live woman's journey to another world and return to narrate what she saw to fellow members of the living world? The narrator tempers

her own assertions with markers typical of "historical" facts transmitted through collective memory and with the non-certainty of events not directly and visually witnessed, marking that is impossible in "mythical" narratives, which speak of origins, indistinctions among species, and transformations. The Suruí narrative vividly evokes episodes from a not-too-distant past — though still prior to times known by adults today — replete with battles between neighboring peoples, yet in this narrative we observe the "deletion of non-witnessed evidentiality" characteristic of "myths".

### **3 Narrative verbal artistry**

To narrate is not just to verbally express an account in prosaic form. As we have noted, the act of narration is a performance, whether public or private, offered to interlocutors and audiences and open for evaluation, criticism, and praise. The narrator is often a "master" in the art of oration, a specialist of "good and beautiful speech", recognized as such and fully aware of his or her role in the chain of transmission of abilities and content. The master's artistic skills include manipulation of distinct protagonists' perspectives, balancing of repetitions with nuanced variation, control of the necessary detours from the advancing storyline, full command of all the varied means of capturing and holding the listeners' attention. Such mastery is evident in the Marubo narrative genre *yoã vana*, distinct from the sung narrative genre *saiti vana*, but both highly poetic performances. Cesarino's division of lines in the written text attempts to reproduce, if only partially, the dramatic effect produced by the rhythm of the oral performance and by thoughts-utterances whose understanding requires careful exegesis.

Similarly, the "masters" of the Kuikuro and Kalapalo narratives share like abilities and the narratives themselves reveal similar structures: formulaic openings and closings, scenes, blocks, parallelisms; movement verbs and logophoric connectives mark sequences and the development of events and actions. In the Hup and Kotiria narratives, skilled use of tail-head linking strategies guarantee sequential cohesion. Even more impressive is the Kwaza narrator's domination of anticipatory switch-reference marking as she constructs the narrative, in van der Voort's words, as "one long sentence, each chained clause being either in a subordinate mood or in a cosubordinate mood."

The rarity, or near absence, of indirect reported speech in Amazonian narratives draws our attention to the preponderance of direct reported speech, observed throughout the volume. Our narrators are masters in performance of such speech, leading us to wonder about other possibilities of embedding and recur-

### Bruna Franchetto & Kristine Stenzel

sive structures. In fact, we are dealing not only with cited dialogues, but also the expression of inner thoughts, which take the form of images, perceptions, emotions, plans. For instance, almost half of the Kuikuro and Kalapalo narratives is animated by dialogues between the characters, with a predominance of verbal forms inflected by performative modes (imperative, hortative, imminent future), as well as epistemic markers that modulate the attitudes and communicative intentions of the interacting characters. Cesarino mentions "the extensive use of reported speech, which allows the (Marubo) narrator to shift between voices." Last but not least, we highlight the "embedded quotations of successive narrators of the events" in the Surui narrative, as Yvinec observes.

These are but a few of the many and varied narrative discourse structures resources present in this volume, calling our attention to the richness and diversity of narrative verbal artistry in Amazonia.

### **4 A host of typological gems**

This volume not only introduces us to a rich panorama of narrative styles and cultural themes, it also demonstrates the astounding genetic and structural diversity of Amazonian languages. Although not all recent research on Amazonian languages has been fully explored and incorporated into typological databases,<sup>7</sup> the picture that is emerging is one of much greater structural diversity within the Amazonian basin than was previously supposed. Indeed, the impetus to define a set of recognizably distinct "Lowland Amazonian" linguistic features (Payne 1990; Dixon & Aikhenvald 1999; Aikhenvald 2012) wanes in light of empirical evidence underscoring vast regional diversity (van der Voort 2000; Campbell 2012; Epps & Salanova 2013). Additionally, analyses such as Birchall's (2014) work on argument coding patterns in South American languages suggest that broader Western/Eastern South American perspectives may actually be more significant to understanding patterns of structural similarity and difference than earlier assumptions of an Andean/Lowland Amazonian dichotomy (see also O'Connor & Muysken 2014).<sup>8</sup>

This debate is far from concluded, and as research continues to pour in, it is certain to bring new insights into deep genetic relationships, pre-historical movements and patterns of contact, as well as contemporary areal phenomena,

<sup>7</sup> Such as such as the *World Atlas of Linguistic Structures* (WALS) http://wals.info/ and its more recently organized counterpart, (SAILS) *South American Indigenous Language Structures* http: //sails.clld.org/.

<sup>8</sup>Other chapters in the same volume focus on specific typological features, including OV order, nominalization as a subordination strategy, post-verbal negation, and use of desiderative morphemes, that appear to characterize South American languages as a whole.

1 Amazonian narrative verbal arts and typological gems

Figure 1: Peoples and languages represented in this volume

all of which serving to refine our typological profiles. For the moment, suffice it to say that even the small selection of languages in our volume clearly shows that there is no easy answer to the question: "What does an *Amazonian language* look like?"

The twelve languages in this volume come from a variety of geographic locations within Amazonia, and include three linguistic isolates and members of the Carib, East Tukano, Nadahup, Jê, Tupi, and Pano families — only a fraction of the more than four dozen distinct genealogical units that compose the Amazonian linguistic landscape (Epps & Salanova 2013: 1). Three regions characterized by longstanding and systemic cultural and linguistic interaction are also represented by different subsets of these languages. Kotiria and Hup are spoken in the Upper Rio Negro region of northwestern Amazonia in the Brazil-Colombia borderlands (see Aikhenvald 2002, Aikhenvald 2012: 73–84, Epps & Stenzel 2013), and the Guaporé-Mamoré region of Southern Rondônia and northeastern Bolivia is represented by Kwaza, Aikanã, and Sakurabiat (Crevels & van der Voort 2008). Indeed, the chapters by Epps and van der Voort in this volume discuss features that support characterization of these two regions as "linguistic areas" in which contact and multilingual practices have led to structural similarities among genetically unrelated languages. The third multilingual system,

### Bruna Franchetto & Kristine Stenzel

represented by Kuikuro, Kalapalo, and Trumai, is the Upper Xingu in central Brazil (Franchetto 2011). The chapters by Franchetto, Guerreiro, and Guirardello-Damian, point out that, in contrast to the Upper Negro and Guaporé-Mamoré regions, in the Upper Xingu context, multilingualism emerges and is evidenced primarily as a component of Xinguan ritual arts.

Kuikuro and Kalapalo are actually variants of a single language, baptized by Franchetto as the "Upper Xingu Carib Language". Though viewed as *dialects* for the linguist, they are *languages* for their speakers for two substantive reasons. First, because within the Upper Xingu multilingual regional system, they are diacritics of local political identities. Secondly, because attributing the status of "language" to both establishes their equal value, counterbalancing the tendency for indigenous languages labeled as "dialects" to be viewed as having an inferior or marginal existence. We have strategically opted to present the Kuikuro and Kalapalo narratives in sequence so that the reader can appreciate the obvious similarities between the syntax of the two languages as well as the differences — sometimes quite subtle — in morphology and lexicon. Unfortunately, the written medium masks a crucial dimension of dialectal difference occurring on the prosodic level, where Kuikuro and Kalapalo clearly exemplify the notion of words "dancing to the beats of different drummers". Equally strategic is the sequencing of the Kwaza and Aikanã narratives, versions of the same story offered by speakers of two language isolates in the same multilingual region.

A broad overview of the twelve languages reveals a handful of common structural features, including agglutinative and preferentially suffixing morphology, as well as predominantly head-final constituent order (the exception being the relatively free word order of Kwaza). However, a closer look shows interesting variations in clausal constituent ordering, including object-initial order, which first came to light in languages of the Carib family<sup>9</sup> and which can be seen in numerous lines of the Kuikuro and Kalapalo narratives, such as (1):

(1) *tüti ilü leha iheke*

*tüti* refl.mother *i-lü* fight-pnct *leha* compl *i-heke* **3-erg**

'He fought with his own mother' [kuikuro, line 243]

<sup>9</sup> Several Carib languages are analyzed as having OVS as the dominant order, and OVS is also found in some East Tukano, Tupi, Arawak languages (see Derbyshire 1999: 155; Campbell 2012: 273–275).

1 Amazonian narrative verbal arts and typological gems

As a frequently occurring alternate order, OVS is found in many other Amazonian languages, including Kotiria, where known, non-focused subjects are sentence-final, as we see in (2).

(2) *"hiphiti a'ri phinitare naita yʉ'ʉ" nia.*

*híphiti* everything *a'rí* dem.prox *~phídi-ta-re* right.here-emph-obj *~dá-i-ta* get-m-intent *yʉ'ʉ́* **1sg** *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '"All of these things here I'm taking away," (*Dianumia Yairo*) said.' [kotiria, line 242]

Another striking feature observed throughout the volume is the rampant use of derivational processes to create new lexical concepts, counterbalance parsimonious lexical class distinctions, and define contexts of complementation and subordination (van Gijn, Haude & Muysken 2011; Bruno et al. 2011). Some interesting examples of verbalizations are the derived forms for 'teaching' in Kalapalo (3), 'body painting (with genipapo)' in Kuikuro (4), and 'marrying' in Kotiria (5).

(3) *akihata iheke*

*aki-ha-ta* **word-vblz**-dur *i-heke* 3-erg 'He was teaching.' [kalapalo, line 78]

(4) *engü isangatelü leha*

*engü* then *is-anga-te-lü* 3-**jenipa-vblz**-pnct *leha* compl 'Then she was painted with genipapo' [kuikuiro, line 10]

(5) *phʉaro numia, phʉaro numia ti phapʉre namotia tire himarebʉ, tiaro numiapʉ bʉhkʉthurupʉre.*

*phʉá-ro* two-sg *~dúbí-á* woman-pl *phʉá-ro* two-sg *~dúbí-á* woman-pl *ti=phá-pʉ-re* anph=time-loc-obj *~dabó-tí-á* **wife-vbz**-assert.pfv *tí-re* anph-obj *hí-~bare-bʉ* cop-rem.ipfv-epis *tiá-ro* three-sg *~dúbí-á-pʉ́* woman-pl-loc *bʉkʉ́-thúrú-pʉ́-ré* ancestor-times-loc-obj

'In those olden times, the custom was to marry two wives, two or even three.' [kotiria, line 23]

### Bruna Franchetto & Kristine Stenzel

A far vaster set of morphemes are employed in nominalizations, a small sample being the Sakurabiat 'hammock' in (6), the Kwaza 'olden times' in (7), and in (8), the Kĩsêdjê autodenomination.

(6) *Pɨbot nẽãrã setoabõ*

*pɨbot* arrive *neara* again *se-top-ap=õ* 3cor-**lying.down-nmlz**=dat 'He arrived again at his own hammock.' [sakurabiat, line 15]

(7) *a'ayawɨ cwata unɨtetawata txarwa hakahɨ ̃ ̃awɨ*

*a~a-ya-wɨ* exist~exist-iobj-time *cwa-ta* isbj-cso *unɨteta-wa-ta ̃* converse-isbj-cso *txarwa* first *haka-hɨ̃* **old-nmlz** *a-wɨ* **exist-time** 'Speaking today about our olden times,' [kwaza, line 55]

(8) *Kĩsêdjê*

*kĩ* village *sêt-∅* burn-nmlz *jê* pl 'The ones who burn villages' [kĩsêdjê, line 2]

In Kuikuro and Kalapalo, there are locative, agent, non-agent, and instrument nominalizers, the latter used with the root *hü* (Kuikuro) / *hüti* (Kalapalo) 'to feel shy/respect/shame', in the derivation of terms for one's parents-in-law (9).

(9) *ihütisoho kilü*

*i-hüti-soho* 3-**shame-ins** *ki-lü* say-pnct 'His father-in-law said.' [kalapalo, line 130]

Aikanã has a nominalizer for actions (10), Kotiria one for reference to events/locations (11), and Sakurabiat one exclusively used for syntactic objects, seen in (12).

(10) *üre'apa'ine xarükanapɨire'ẽ kukaẽ üre-apa'i-ne* **hide-act.nmlz-loc** *xa-rüka-napa-ire-'ẽ* 1pl-dir:around-clf:forest-almost-imp *kuka-ẽ* tell-decl '"We will sneak around them," said Fox.' [aikanã, line 25]

1 Amazonian narrative verbal arts and typological gems

(11) *do'poto to hiro hia.*

*do'pó-to* **origin/roots-nmlz.loc/evnt** *to=hí-ro* 3sg.poss=cop-sg *hí-a* cop-assert.pfv 'It's his (*Ñahori*'s) origin site.' [kotiria, line 36]

(12) *Kʷai mariko kɨpkɨba 'a mariko sete*

*kʷai* stone *mat* ? *i-ko* **obj.nmlz-ingest** *kɨpkɨba* tree *'a* fruit *mat* ? *i-ko* obj.nmlz-ingest *sete* 3sg 'He only eats stone and fruit (as if he were not human).' (Lit. 'Stone is what he eats, and fruit is what he eats.') [sakurabiat, line 55]

Valence-increasing operators include the productively used transitivizing auxiliary of Marubo, shown in (13).

(13) *vanavanakwãi avai kayakãisho*

*vana-vana-kawã-i* speak-speak-go-prog *a-vai* **aux.trns-con** *kaya-kãi-sho* leave-inc-sssa 'Calling and calling she left' [marubo, line 16]

Marubo also has morphological causatives, as do Suruí, *-ma* in 'torching the house' in (14), Ka'apor, *-mu* in 'opening one's anus to fart' in (15), and Kuikuro, *-nhe* in 'moving the woman up' in (16).

(14) *""Eebo oyena G̃oxorsabapa yã" iyã" de.*

*ee-bo* endo-advers *o-ya-ee-na* 1sg-nwit-endo-foc *G̃oxor-sab-ma-apa* Zoró-house-**caus**-burn *a* sfm.nwit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de* 3sg-wit '""Thus I burnt down the Zoró's house.""'<sup>10</sup> [suruí, line 42]

(15) *xape ai jumupirar te'e xoty je*

*i-ʃapɛ* 3-anus *ai* bad *ju-mu-piɾaɾ* refl-**caus**-open *tɛʔɛ* free *i-ʃɔtɪ* 3-towards *jɛ* hsy 'Her disgusting asshole opened towards the boy.' [ka'apor, line 21]

<sup>10</sup>Multiple sets of quotation marks in the Suruí narrative indicate layers of embedding in quoted speech, as Yvinec discusses in Footnote 8 of chapter 12.

Bruna Franchetto & Kristine Stenzel

(16) *itükanhenügü letüha iheke itükanhenügü itükanhenügü itüka-nhe-nügü* 3.move.up-**tr**-pnct *üle=tü=ha* log=uncr=ha *i-heke* 3-erg *itüka-nhe-nügü* 3.move.up-**tr**-pnct *itüka-nhe-nügü* 3.move.up**-tr**-pnct 'Then, she moved her up, she moved her up, she moved her up' [kuikuro, line 98]

Hup, on the other hand, has causative constructions formed with serialized roots, such as *k'ët-* 'stand', used repeatedly in (17) to indicate indirect or "sociative" causation.

(17) *Yúp mah, yɨno yö́' mah yúp, yúp hõ̀p tɨh k'ët wédéh, hõ̀p tɨh k'ët wèd, mòh tɨh k'ët wèd, nííy mah.*

*[.6em] yúp=mah,* dem.itg=rep *yɨ-no-yö́ʔ=mah* dem.itg-say-seq=rep *yúp,* dem.itg *yúp* dem.itg *hõ̀p* fish *tɨh* 3sg *k'ët-wéd-éh* **stand**-eat-decl *hõ̀p* fish *tɨh* 3sg *k'ët-wèd,* **stand**-eat *mòh* tinamou *tɨh* 3sg *k'ët-wèd,* **stand**-eat *ní-íy=mah.* be-dynm=rep 'Having said that, it's said, he gave her fish to eat; he went on giving her fish to eat, to give her tinamous to eat, it's said.' [hup, line 27, see also Footnote 10 in chapter 7.]

Valence-decreasing derivational processes include morphological intransitivizers in Sakurabiat (18), and Kuikuro (19), while (20) gives an example of the productive noun incorporation found in Trumai.

(18) *Kɨrɨt sĩit jãj etsɨgɨka*

*kɨrɨt* child *sĩit* dim *jãj* tooth *e-sɨgɨ-ka* **intrvz**-drop-vblz '(That's why) kids' teeth drop out.' [sakurabiat, line 44]

(19) *luale utimükeĩtai*

*luale* sorry *ut-imükeiN-tai* **1.dtr**-turn.face-fut.im '"Sorry! I will turn my face back"' [kuikuro, line 224]

(20) *ina hen esak ji hen mal husa husa ke ine jik, det'a hen jaw atu tsula nawan ̪ de.*

1 Amazonian narrative verbal arts and typological gems

*ina* disc.con *hen* then *esak* hammock *ji* prag.in *hen* then

*mal husa husa* **edge tie tie** *ke* disloc.abs *ine* 3anaph.masc *ji=k* prag.in=erg

*det'a* well *hen* then *jaw* human.being *atu̪* dead *tsula* be.lying *nawan* similar *de* already 'Then he tied the hammock, it became very similar to a dead person lying.' [trumai, line 10, see also note 13 in chapter 5].

The languages in our collection also vary significantly in the extent to which they employ bound morphology. (18) and (20) above clearly show the more analytical profiles of Sakurabiat and Trumai, contrasting with the distinctly synthetic morphology of languages such as Kwaza (21) and Suruí (22).

(21) *tsɨwɨdɨte xareredɨnãiko adɨ'ata*

*tsɨwɨdɨte* girl *xarere-dɨnãi-ko* crazy-manner-ins *a-dɨ-a-ta* exist-caus-1pl.incl-cso 'We let girls act crazy like that, in our present life.' [kwaza, line 59]

(22) *Omamõperedene.*

*o-ma-amõ-pere-de-na-e* 1sg-poss-grandfather-iter-wit-foc-sfm.wit 'My grandfather did that again and again.' [suruí, line 47]

Highly complex verbal morphology is especially striking in Aikanã (23) and Kotiria, particularly in the latter's productive use of verb serialization to code aspectual, modal, and adverbial spatial/manner distinctions (24). Similar constructions with serialized roots are seen in Hup verbal words (25), one of the structural features likely diffused through centuries of language contact (Epps 2007).

(23) *yãw'ẽ wikere xü'iaxanapetaka'ĩwãte kukaẽ*

*yãw'ẽ* let's.go.imp *wikere* peanut *xü'i-a-xa-nape-ta-ka-'ĩwã-te* **dig-uproot-1pl-dir:forest-rem.fut-clf:pieces-admon-pst** *kuka-ẽ* tell-decl '"Let's go digging up peanuts as planned," he told her.' [aikanã, line 14] Bruna Franchetto & Kristine Stenzel


*yɨ-no-yö́ʔ=mah* dem.itg-say-seq=rep *yúp,* dem.itg *tɨh-àn ́* 3sg-obj *hɨd* 3pl *döʔ-hí-ay-áh* **take-descend**-inch-decl 'Saying thus, it's said, they took (the baby deer) down.' [hup, line 99]

Indeed, the narratives of this volume attest the rich means use to code movement and spatial relations in Amazonian languages (see also Bozzi 2013). A few languages employ locative postpositions or case markers with spatially specific semantics: inessive and allative markers in Kuikuro, Kalapalo and Aikanã, ablatives in Suruí and Sakurabiat, and the "provenence locative" marker in Marubo (26).

(26) *Vei Maya vei mai nãkõsh wenímarivi, shavo wetsa.*

*Vei* death *Maya* Maya *vei* death *mai* land *nãkõ*nectar*sh* **loc.prov** *wení-ma-rivi* rise-neg-emp *shavo* woman *wetsa* other 'Vei Maya did not come from the Death-Land nectar; she is another woman.' [marubo, line 4]

Many more integrate detailed spatial or movement information in verbal morphology, through root serialization showing associated motion or direction (as seen in the Kotiria and Hup examples (24)–(25) above), or with bound directional/locational morphemes indicating notions such as 'outside', 'hither', 'close', etc., in Aikanã and Kwaza (27).

(27) *watxile karɛxu katsutyata xareyawata axehɨ ͂ ko tsadwɛnɛ ̃*

*watxile* finally *karɛxu͂* dry.heartwood *katsu-tya* cross-cso *ta* cso *xareya-wa-ta* search-isbj-cso *axe-hɨ-tya ̃* find-nmlz-cso *tsadwɛ-nɛ* onto.path-**dir:hither**

'Later, crossing the dry log, they then searched and then got back onto the path.' [kwaza, line 32]

### 1 Amazonian narrative verbal arts and typological gems

Directional auxiliaries, such as 'go uphill' in Trumai (28), are also commonly found. Similar directional verbs occur in Kotiria, e.g. 'go upriver' (in lines 225 and 253 of chapter 6), and Hup 'go upstream' (in lines 4 and 12 of chapter 7, among others).

(28) *kaʔʃɨ t'axer lahmin. ̪*

*kaʔʃɨ* walk *t'axer ̪* poorly *lahmi=n* **go.uphill**=3abs 'She left.' [trumai line 3, see also Footnote 8 in chapter 5]

Sakurabiat uses verbal auxiliaries for associated movement and to indicate the body position of subjects (29), and has positional demonstratives that code the body position of other referents (30).

(29) *Pɨ ke itoa enĩĩtse*

*pɨ* lying *ke* dem *i-to-a* 3sg-**aux.lie**-thv *eni=ese* hammock=loc 'He (*Arɨkʷajõ*) was there just lying in the hammock.' [sakurabiat, line 3]

(30) *Tamõ'ẽm porẽtsopega petsetagiat:*

*ta=bõ='ẽp* **dem.stand**=dat=emph *porẽsopeg-a* ask-thv *pe=se-tak-iat* obl=3cor-daughter-col 'He just got there and asked to his daughters:' [sakurabiat, line 16]

Kuikuro, on the other hand, makes an interesting centripetal/centrifugal distinction in its imperative suffixes, the latter seen in (31).

(31) *ouünko tuhipe kunhigake ika kigeke*

*o-uüN-ko* 2-father-pl *tuhi-pe* garden-ntm *ku-ng-ingi-gake* 1.2-obj-see-**imp.ctf** *ika* wood *kigeke* let's.go '"Let's go see your father's old garden, let's go to cut wood!"' [kuikuro, line 15]

Nearly half of the languages in the collection have switch-reference systems, with notable variation in terms of the contexts in which markers occur and the additional grammatical categories they may express. In Kotiria, overt switchreference marking occurs only in contexts of clause subordination. In contrast, clause coordination is the relevant context in Kĩsêdjê, which has some 'different subject' forms that further indicate anticipatory subject agreement, and if third person, tense distinctions as well. Switch-reference markers in Kwaza and

### Bruna Franchetto & Kristine Stenzel

Aikanã can signal a new foregrounded topic or important turn of events in discourse. As is the case with most languages in the Pano family, Marubo has a complex system in which switch-reference markers code distinctions of same and different subjects as well as simultaneous or sequential actions (see van Gijn & Hammond 2016).<sup>11</sup>

An even larger set of languages have grammaticalized markers with evidential and/or epistemic semantics. The complex systems of obligatory evidential marking in Hup and Kotiria have four or five categories that contrast hearsay/reported information with different subtypes of direct sensory (visual, non-visual) and indirect (inferred, presumed) evidential sources. Other languages, such as Suruí, have a basic witnessed/non-witnessed distinction, but can employ evidential markers pragmatically in discourse to prioritize focus on particular events over identification of source of evidence. Suruí evidential markers can also occur recursively with an utterance containing embedded quoted speech, as we see in (32), as can the Sakurabiat evidential *eba* (e.g. line 20 of chapter 8).

(32) *""Nem, olobaka G̃oxoriyã" iyã" de.*

*nem* intj *o-sob-aka* 1sg-father-kill *G̃oxor-ya* Zoró-**nwit** *i-ya* 3sg-**nwit** ∅*-de* 3sg-**wit** '""Well, a Zoró killed my father.""' [suruí, line 3]

Trumai and Ka'apor typically make use of hearsay evidentials to indicate narratives as having a non-firsthand source of information, while Kuikuro and Kalapalo have a large number of optional evidential and epistemic markers that occur primarily in the quoted speech of narrative protagonists, indicating their attitudes and intentions in interaction.

Ergativity is a well-known feature of Amazonian languages (see Gildea & Queixalós 2010) and occurs in some form in nearly half of the languages in this volume. Fully ergative systems are seen in Kuikuro and Kalapalo, in which the morpheme (-)*heke* always marks the ergative argument, as in (1), (3) and (16) above, and absolutive arguments are formally unmarked. Trumai makes use of ergative clitics and absolutive bound pronouns, while ergative marking in Marubo — in keeping with patterns found throughout Panoan languages — involves suprasegmental nasality, easily observed in pronominal forms such as *e* '1sg.abs' vs. *ẽ* '1sg.erg' and *mato* '2pl.abs' vs. *mã* '2pl.erg'. Kĩsêdjê has a split system, with nominative-accusative alignment in main clauses and ergative-absolutive alignment in embedded clauses, as we see in (33).

<sup>11</sup>Other chapters in the same volume offer case studies of switch-reference systems in diverse Amazonian languages.

1 Amazonian narrative verbal arts and typological gems

(33) *Kôt hry jatuj khãm khutha.*

[ *kôt* **3.erg** *hry* trail *j-atu-j* e-stop-nmlz ] *khãm* in *khu-ta* **3**-put.standing.sg 'He put it down [where he had stopped making the trail].' [kĩsêdjê , line 51]

Finally, Galucio describes the mixed system of Sakurabiat as "nominative-absolutive". Verbal prefixes index the subject of an intransitive verb or object of a transitive verbs (the absolutive argument), while transitive subjects (A) are obligatorily expressed as free pronouns. The same free pronominal forms can also be used as subjects in intransitive sentences, revealing nominative (S/A) alignment.

While on the topic of pronouns, we should note that eight of the twelve languages in this collection have an inclusive/exclusive distinction in their pronominal paradigms. In (34), we see that Trumai additionally marks a *dual* inclusive/exclusive value.

(34) *"huk'anik, huta.kaʃ ka a huʔtsa kawa."*

*huk'anik* expr *huta.kaʃ* later *ka* **1incl** *a* **du** *huʔtsa* see *kawa* go '"Wait, later we are going to see her (i.e., take care of her)."' [trumai, line 23]

Turning our attention very briefly to the "sounds" one hears in Amazonian voices, an overview of the phonological systems of the languages in our volume reveals the frequency of a high central vowel [ ɨ ], which occurs in ten of the twelve languages as a phoneme or commonly used allophone. As for consonants, Kuikuro has a unique uvular flap and for an Amazonian language, Trumai has an whoppingly large 23-consonant inventory that includes a lateral fricative, as well as ejectives and plosives that make a distinction between alveolar and dental points of articulation. Nasality (a suprasegmental feature in Hup and Kotiria), nasal-harmony or spreading processes (in Kotiria and Sakurabiat), tone (in Kotiria, Hup, and Suruí), and glottalic sounds — full glottal stops, glottalized and aspirated consonants, and laryngealized vowels — are other prominent phonological features. In Kĩsêdjê, infixed aspiration of voiceless plosives has a syntactic function, marking third person agreement, as seen in (35).

(35) *Akwyn nen thẽn khatho.*

*akwyn* back *ne=n* be.so=&.ss *thẽ=n* go.sg=&.ss *k<h>atho* **<3>**come.out.sg 'He came back and came out (of the forest).' [kĩsêdjê, line 43] Our tour of the fascinating structural features of Amazonian languages could go on an on, adding the noun classifiers of Kwaza and Kotiria, the "nominal tense" suffix of Kuikuro, the five-way past-tense distinction of Marubo, and the suppletive verbal forms of Kĩsêdjê — among others — to this initial collection of typological gems. However, we will stop here in the hope your curiosity has now been sufficiently sparked and you are ready to explore for yourself the delights, details, and discoveries our contributors have provided in the chapters that follow.

### **References**


1 Amazonian narrative verbal arts and typological gems


## **Part I**

## **Life, death, and the world beyond**

## **Chapter 2**

## **Kuikuro**

Bruna Franchetto Museu Nacional, Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

Carlos Fausto Museu Nacional, Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

Ájahi Kuikuro

Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku

### **1 Introduction**

*Anha ituna tütenhüpe itaõ*, 'The woman who went to the village of the dead', is a narrative lasting roughly twenty minutes. It was registered by Bruna Franchetto and Carlos Fausto on the 23rd of November, 2004, in both audio and video formats, in *Ipatse*, the main Kuikuro village (Southern Amazonia, State of Mato Grosso, Brazil). Bruna Franchetto began her linguistic and anthropological research on the Upper Xingu Carib languages, particularly on the Kuikuro dialect, in 1977. Carlos Fausto began his anthropological research among the Kuikuro in 1998.

The storyteller was *Ájahi*, a woman who was around 65 years old at that time, a renown ritual specialist and expert singer of the female rituals of *Jamugikumalu* and *Tolo*.

Basic annotation of the recording – orthographic transcription and translation - was done by *Jamalui*, a Kuikuro researcher, using ELAN, with the assistance of Carlos Fausto. *Asusu* Kuikuro helped with the penultimate revision, carried out in June 2016. The annotated text has been revised more than once by Franchetto, who added the interlinear analysis.

Bruna Franchetto, Carlos Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku. 2017. Kuikuro. In Kristine Stenzel & Bruna Franchetto (eds.), *On this and other worlds: Voices from Amazonia*, 23–87. Berlin: Language Science Press. DOI:10.5281/zenodo.1008774

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku

Figure 1: Bruna Franchetto and *Ájahi* Kuikuro (Photo: *Takumã* Kuikuro, 2001)

The transcription line is orthographic. Kuikuro (alphabetic) writing was developed by indigenous teachers, in collaboration with Bruna Franchetto, in the 1990s. The correspondences between "letters" or groups of letters (digraphs and trigraphs) and symbols from the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA), when different, are as follows: <ü> /ɨ/, <j> /ʝ/, <g> /ʀ̆/ (uvular flap), <ng> /ŋ/, <nh> /ɲ/, <nkg> /ŋɡ/; N represents a subspecified fluctuating nasal.

### **2 Kuikuro: people and language**

Kuikuro is the name by which one of the dialects of the Upper Xingu Carib Language, in the Xinguan Southern Branch of the Carib family, is known (Meira & Franchetto 2005; Meira 2006). It is spoken by approximately 600 people, distributed in six villages in the region known as "Upper Xingu", in the headwaters of the Xingu river, Southern Amazonia, Brazil. They inhabit the southeastern region of the Xingu Indigenous Park, between the Culuene and the Buriti rivers, where they have lived since at least the second half of the 16th century. Archaeological, linguistic, and ethnological research all point to the upper Rio Buriti

2 Kuikuro

Figure 2: Villages of the Upper Xingu people, Xingu Indigenous Land.

region as the homeland of the Kuikuros' ancestors. This region was occupied by Carib groups who had travelled from the west of the Rio Culuene, possibly in the 17th century. The denomination "Kuikuro" derives from the toponym for the place where, at the beginning of the 19th century, the first Kuikuro village (*Kuhi ikugu*, 'Needle Fish Creek') was erected as the residence of a recognized autonomous member of the Upper Xingu system. This toponym has been frozen as a permanent ethnonym since the first written ethnographic record by Karl von den Steinen at the end of the 19th century (von den Steinen 1894).

Upper Xingu Carib dialects are distinguished mainly by different prosodic structures (Silva & Franchetto 2011). The speakers of these varieties are part of the Upper Xingu Carib sub-system, which in turn is tied to the multilingual and multiethnic regional system known as the Upper Xingu. This comprises the drainage basin of the headwaters of the Xingu River, itself one of the largest southern tributaries of the Amazon. Thanks to the collaborative work of archaeologists, linguists, and anthropologists (Franchetto & Heckenberger 2001; Fausto, Franchetto & Heckenberger 2008; Franchetto 2011), we are beginning to understand the historical origins of this regional system. We can now confidently claim that this system was formed over the last four hundred years, incorporating people from different origins in a continuous and dynamic process. Speakers of languages belonging to the three major linguistic groupings in South America (Arawak, Carib,

and Tupi) and one linguistic isolate (Trumai) created a unique social system that remains functional today.

Kuikuro should be considered a stable, albeit vulnerable, language/variety. Its stability derives from the protection of the Kuikuro territory over the last fifty years, the gradual and late start of formal schooling in the last twenty years, and a linguistic and cultural heritage that is highly valued, both internally and externally, since the Kuikuro are part of the Upper Xingu region, which has been constructed as a Brazilian national icon of "Indianness". Its vulnerability is due to a variety of factors including conflict between the indigenous language and the dominant language (Portuguese), schooling, the growing presence of written media and television, the increasing mobility of individuals and families between villages and towns, and prolonged stays in town. Another extremely relevant and ambiguous factor related to the preservation or weakening of the indigenous language is contact with missionaries, which has become increasingly intense. In contrast, initiatives that seek to strengthen the indigenous language have been put into effect by researchers (linguists and anthropologists) in participative documentation projects that including the production of videos via the training of indigenous filmmakers, publications and the supervision of indigenous researchers. This process needs to continue in order to effectively safeguard the indigenous language.

The morphosyntactic characteristics of Kuikuro can be summed up in the following generalizations:


### 2 Kuikuro


The ubiquity of the clitic *ha* is noteworthy, a grammatical morpheme whose function and meaning are still under investigation. We have not yet defined a specific meta-linguistic gloss for it. It certainly marks an important component of the syntactic packaging of information, acting at the interface with discourse. In fast speech, *ha* cliticizes to the following word, while in slow speech it cliticizes to the preceding word. Kalin (2014) offers an interesting formal explanation of the same particle in Hixkaryana, a Northern Carib language.

The grammatical morpheme, possible cliticizable, *leha*, interpreted as a completive aspect, also occurs in most Kuikuro sentences. It "closes" main as well as secondary predications and is possibly responsible for the finiteness of the verbal word. Like the clitic *ha*, it can occur more than once in the same utterance. It is interesting to see the complementary positioning of *ha* and *leha* in lines 4 and 5, giving a semantically differentiating nuance whose subtlety we are still unable to grasp completely.

For more information on Kuikuro grammar, see, among other publications: Franchetto (1986; 2010; 2015); dos Santos (2007); Franchetto & Santos (2009; 2010); Lima, Franchetto & Santos (2013).

### **3 The narrative**

*Anha ituna tütenhüpe itaõ* 'The woman who went to the village of the dead', offers a distinctively feminine version of the pan-xinguan and better-known narrative '*Agahütanga*, the trip of a living man to the village of the dead'. In the more – let us call it – "masculine" version, *Agahütanga* cries for a dead friend, who descends from the celestial world of the dead to take him on a journey of knowledge. During the journey, *Agahütanga* witnesses the fatal obstacles that can dissolve the dead into the nothingness of smoke. He manages to reach the celestial village, whose owner is a two-headed vulture, devourer of the dead, which is also where

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku

the stars that mark the seasonal calendar reside. *Agahütanga* returns to earth but was killed by a jealous and greedy enemy (and sorcerer).

Kuikuro and Kalapalo masculine versions of this narrative were published in Carneiro (1977) and Basso (1985: 91–140), respectively. Another Kuikuro version was recorded in 2003 by Carlos Fausto, and deposited (transcribed and translated), alongside the present version by *Ájahi*, in the Kuikuro digital archives hosted by the DoBeS (Documentation of Endangered Languages, Max Pank Institute of Psycholinguistics and VolkswagenStiftung) Program and by the ProDoclin (Program for the Documentation of Indigenous Languages, Museu do Índio, FU-NAI, Rio de Janeiro). Two short Kamayurá (masculine) versions, both in Portuguese, were published in Villas Boas & Villas Boas (1970: 122–130) and Agostinho (1974: 200–201).

In *Ájahi*'s version, a woman is taken, by her dead mother-in-law and by her longing (a dangerous and virtually fatal feeling) for her dead husband, through the path of the dead (*anha*) to their celestial village. "Dead" is a possible and viable translation for the word *anha*. *Akunga* or *akuã* designates an animic principle that animates living beings, a shadow of a thing or person, or a double. The *akunga* of a dead person is *akungape*, an ex-*akunga*, the word receiving the suffix *-pe* that marks the nominal past tense or, better, the nominal terminative aspect. "The *akunga* remains inside the body of the deceased until the grave begins to be filled in; but then, feeling the weight of fresh earth being heaped upon it, it slips out of the body and abandons the grave. At about this point, the soul ceases to be called *akunga* and is referred to as añá [*anha*], the name it will bear from here on" (Carneiro 1977: 3).

*Ájahi* describes the astonishing village of the dead, pointing to the three essential elements of the structure of a true Xinguan village (lines 145-148). Beside the *hugogo*, the *kuakutu* (an Arawakan word) known, in Portuguese, as "men's house", is a small traditional house built in the middle of the plaza and is the place where only men gather daily for pleasure, shamanistic sessions, political discussions, body painting, sharing food, and ritual concentration. *Tajühe* is the third defining element of village architecture: the prototypical house of a big chief, much larger than the common houses, decorated internally and externally, including two "ears" (large triangular mats at the ends of the horizontal rod supporting the ceiling, twisted with moriche palm leaves (*Mauritia flexuosa*) fibers. Every house is a body, with a butt, belly, back, and earrings.

From the village of *anha*, the living visitor has to be upside down in order to see the world of the living. Hiding behind her mother-in-law, the woman sees her dead-husband's-soul and his dead-brother's-soul returning from a fishing

2 Kuikuro

Figure 3: The Kuikuro village of *Ipatse* drawn by *Sepé* Kuikuro, 2006

trip. She sees him with another woman. In lines 81 and 171, *Ájahi* introduces this personnage: *Itsangitsegu*, the wife of the dead husband in the afterworld, the celestial village of the dead. *Itsangitsegu* is an *itseke* (a hyper-being or supernatural being), not a dead person. She is the *itseke* that gets the old dead who are weak, takes care of them, puts them in seclusion, and feeds them until they are raised up again. She is an *itseke* with only one breast and one buttock, but she is very generous and all women are jealous of her. *Itsangitsegu* is the mother of the twins Sun and Moon, the ancestors who created the human species. A character of a long and founding mythical saga, *Itsangitsegu* was killed by her mother-in-law Jaguar, and, after her death, was honored by Sun and Moon in the first *egitsü*, known as "Kwaryp", the great Xinguan intertribal ritual that marks the end of the mourning period after the deaths of chiefs and outstanding ritual specialists and singers.

In the afterworld, other words are used, referring to an inside-out world. The woman returns from this exceptional journey to the world of the living, but her fate on this side will be determined by the consequences of having dared to trans-

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku

pose an impassable frontier. It is impossible not to note the similarities between this narrative and the Greek myth of Orpheus and Eurydice: Orpheus crosses through the door to the world of the dead because of his devastating desire to have Eurydice, his dead wife, back. Hades, the god of the underworld, grants him the possibility of bringing her back to the world of the living, but if he turns to see his beloved, who is following him out of the underworld, he will lose her forever. Orpheus disobeys, and Eurydice is transformed into a statue of salt.

These are the most relevant linguistic and structural characteristics of the narrative. The text recurrently makes use of the suffix *–pe*, glossed as ntm ("nominal tense marker"), as in *kakisükope* (*k-aki-sü-ko-pe*, 1.2-word-poss-pl-ntm), which can be loosely translated as 'our former words' or 'those which were our words', referring to the words of the living that the dead seek out and transform, in their language of the dead, into other words. In lines 128-141, *Ájahi* insists on the contrast/complementarity between the language of the dead and the language of the living. The suffix *-pe* here means that the dead are trying to recover their language (that they used when they were alive), but in this effort they only find synonyms in the language of the dead. *–pe* could also be analysed as a "nominal terminative aspect" and is attested for common nouns and proper names, as well as in possessed and absolute noun phrases, conveying the death/destruction/end of the referent(s), a change of form/identity of the referent(s), or a loss of functionality of the referent(s) (Franchetto & Santos 2009; Franchetto & Thomas 2016).

Another relevant aspect is the use of specific forms and expressions during verbal interaction between affinal relatives, particularly between mother-in-law and daughter-in-law. In these interactions, the use of the second person plural instead of the second person singular is obligatory, as in, for example, *emuguko* (*e-muguko*, 2-son-pl), 'your son' (the woman speaking to her mother-in-law about her own husband, the son of the mother-in-law). The Kuikuro kinship term for one's parents-in-law is *hüsoho*, a nominalization (*-soho*) of the verbal stem *hü*, meaning 'to feel shy/respect'. So, *hüsoho* means, literally, 'made to feel shy/respect'.

Concerning the noteworthy traits of the narrative structure (see also Basso 1985; Franchetto 2003) we draw attention to the following:

• More than half of the text is a direct citation of dialogue between the characters, with a predominance of verbal forms inflected by performative modes (imperative, hortative, imminent future), interjections, as well as epistemic markers (including evidentials) that modulate the attitudes and communicative intentions of the interacting speakers. In Kuikuro there are several *verba dicendi*, such as the roots *ki* (say), *itagi* (talk), *aki* (language/word). Particularly interesting is the very frequent use of just the

### 2 Kuikuro

aspectual morphemes *tagü* (durative) and *nügü* (punctual) immediately at the end of the directly reported speech.


The narrative presented here is an example, in female voice, of the Kuikuro art of telling. Its apprehension is synergistically verbal and visual: the scenes succeed one another by movement through space-time, characters become animated one before another in their voice-bodies. Listeners are captured as if in a dream.

### **4 Anha ituna tütenhüpe itaõ**

### **'The woman who went to the village of the dead' 'A mulher que foi para a aldeia dos mortos'**<sup>1</sup>

(1) *tüma akinha ititüi*

*tü-ma* q-dub *akinha* story *ititü-i* name-cop 'Which is the name of the story?' (question by Bruna Franchetto) 'Como é o nome da estória?' (pergunta de Bruna Franchetto)

(2) *anha ituna tütenhüpe itaõ*

*anha* dead *itu-na* place-all *tü-te-nhü-pe* ptcp-go.ptco-nanmlz-ntm *itaõ* woman 'The woman who went to the village of the dead, the woman' 'A mulher que foi para a aldeia dos mortos, a mulher'

<sup>1</sup>Recordings of this story are available from https://zenodo.org/record/997443

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku

(3) *anha ituna etelü*

*anha* dead *itu-na* place-all *e-te-lü* 3-go-pnct 'She went to the village of the dead' 'Ela foi para a aldeia dos mortos'

(4) *inhope apünguha*

*i-nho-pe* 3-husband-ntm *apünguN=ha* die.pnct=ha 'Her husband had died' 'O esposo dela tinha falecido'

(5) *inhope apüngu leha*

*i-nho-pe* 3-husband-ntm *apünguN* die.pnct *leha* compl 'Her husband died' 'O esposo dela faleceu'

(6) *lepe inhaka leha itsagü*

*üle-pe* log-ntm *i-ngaka*<sup>2</sup> 3-instead.of *leha* compl *i-tsagü* 3.be-dur

'Then, she stayed in his place (she went into morning for him)' 'Depois, ela foi ficando no lugar dele (foi ficando de luto por ele)'

(7) *hombei leha hombei leha itsagü*

*hombe-i* widow-cop *leha* compl *hombe-i* widow-cop *leha* compl *i-tsagü* 3.be-dur

'A widow, she was widowed' 'Enviuvou, ficou viúva'

(8) *ülepei leha itsagü leha hombe tamitsi*

*üle-pe-i* log-ntm-cop *leha* compl *i-tsagü* 3.be-cont *leha* compl *hombe* widow *tamitsi* longtime

'After this, she remained widowed for a long time' 'Depois disso, ela ficou viúva por muito tempo'

<sup>2</sup>The velar nasal palatalizes after the high front vowel, at the morphemic boundary (see Franchetto 1995).

2 Kuikuro


*engü* then *is-anga-te-lü* 3-jenipa-vblz-pnct *leha* compl 'Then she was painted with genipapo' 'Então, ela foi pintada com jenipapo'

(11) *isangatelü leha ihombundão*<sup>4</sup> *heke isangatelü leha*

*is-anga-te-lü* 3-jenipa-vblz-pnct *leha* compl *i-hombundaõ* 3-widow.col *heke* erg *is-anga-te-lü* 3-jenipa-vblz-pnct *leha* compl

'The brothers of her dead husband painted her' 'Os irmãos do falecido esposo pintaram-na'

(12) *lepene leha itsagü*

*lepene* then *leha* compl *i-tsagü* 3.be-cont 'Then, she remained' 'Depois, ela ficou'

(13) *anhü tülimo heke ijimo<sup>5</sup> ijimo ijimo*

> *anhü* son *tü-limo* refl-children *heke* erg *i-limo* 3-children *i-limo* 3-children *i-limo* 3-children

'"My dears!" (she said) to her children, children of this size, and this size, and this size'

'"Meus queridos!", (disse) para os seus filhos, filhos desse tamanho, desse tamanho e desse tamanho'

<sup>3</sup>The meaning of the particle *aiha* is here roughly translated as 'done'. *aiha* has a clear discursive function when it is used to close a block or scene of a narrative.

<sup>4</sup>This word could be the result of: *hombe(N)+(C)aõ* (widow+collective). The brothers-in-law of a woman are her potential sexual partners and potential spouses. Here, they are referred to as a group of associated "widowers" and they are responsible for important duties and functions towards the widow.

<sup>5</sup>At morphemic boundaries , the consonant /l/ palatalizes to [ɟ] after the high front vowel /i/.

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku

(14) *anhü apa tuhipe kunhigake ouünko tuhipe*

*anhü* son *apa* father *tuhi-pe* garden-ntm *ku-ng-ingi-gake*<sup>6</sup> 1.2-obj-ver-imp.ctf *o-uüN-ko* 2-father-pl *tuhi-pe* garden-ntm '"My dears! Go to see the father's old garden, your father's old garden!"' '"Meus queridos! Vamos ver a roça que era do pai, a roça que era do pai de vocês!"'

(15) *ouünko tuhipe kunhigake ika kigeke*

*o-uüN-ko* 2-father-pl *tuhi-pe* garden-ntm *ku-ng*<sup>7</sup> *-ingi-gake* 1.2-obj-see-imp.ctf *ika* wood *kigeke* let's.go

'"Let's go see your father's old garden, let's go to cut wood!"' '"Vamos lá ver a roça que era do pai de vocês, vamos catar lenha!"'

(16) *ehe ijimo telü leha*

*ehe* itj *i-limo* 3-children *te-lü* go-pnct *leha* compl '"Yes!" her children went away' '"Sim!", seus filhos foram'

(17) *etelüko leha etelüko leha*

*e-te-lü-ko* 3-go-pnct-pl *leha* compl *e-te-lü-ko* 3-go-pnct-pl *leha* compl 'They went away, they went away' 'Eles foram, eles foram'

<sup>6</sup>The inflectional morphemes of the imperative mood are sensitive to the directional egocentered kind of movement involved: centrifugal imperative (imp.ctf, go to … ), centripetal imperative (imp.ctp, come to … ), and imperative (imp, no movement).

<sup>7</sup>The object marker *ng-*, prefixed to the verbal stem, is the spelled-out trace of the object (patient). Observe that the agent appears in absolutive case. See Franchetto (2010) and Franchetto & Santos (2010) for an analysis of this type of construction, which these authors called "deergativized", due to a special kind of downgraded transitivity. This construction characterizes relative or focus sentences, where the relativized or the focused argument is the object, as well as some sentences with the verb inflected for imminent future, imperative mood, or hortative mood.

2 Kuikuro

(18) *eh tigati leha kuigi andati leha eh* itj *tigati* there *leha* compl *kuigi* garden *anda-ti* loc-ill *leha* compl 'Yes, right to the garden' 'Sim, direto para a roça'


*jatsitsü jatsitsü poor.man poor.man* '"Poor man, poor man!" (the widow said)' '"Coitado, coitado!", (a viúva disse)'

(21) *ige inhambalüila tinika ulimo uün etsujenügü uãke nügü iheke*

*ige* prox *inhamba-lü-i-la* eat-pnct-cop-priv *tinika* adv *u-limo* 1-children *uüN* father *etsuje-nügü* die-pnct *uãke* pst *nügü* say.pnct *i-heke* 3-erg '"My children's father died without eating this (the manioc from his garden)," she said' '"O pai dos meus filhos morreu sem se alimentar disto (da roça dele)", ela disse'

<sup>8</sup>The consonant /t/ palatalizes to [ts] after the high front vowel /i/ at morphemic boundaries (see Franchetto 1995)

<sup>9</sup>The suffix *-püa* is used to characterize a place where something was previously located (a village, a garden).

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku

(22) *ige inhambangatüingi hõhõ ataiti uãke ulimo uün heke*

*ige* dem.prox *inhamba-nga-tüingi* eat-avd *hõhõ* emp *ataiti* irr *uãke* pst *u-limo* 1-children *uüN* father *heke* erg '"My children's father could have eaten this"' "O pai dos meus filhos poderia ter se alimentado disto"'

(23) *iheke uãke tünhope heke*<sup>10</sup>

*i-heke* ele-*erg uãke pst tü-nho-pe* refl-husband-ntm *heke* erg '"It was him," (talking) about her dead husband' '"Ele, faz tempo", (falando) do seu falecido esposo'

(24) *tita leha inilundagü inilundagü leha*

*tita* there *leha* compl *ini-luN-tagü* cry-vblz-dur *ini-luN-tagü* cry-vblz-cont *leha* compl 'There she was crying, crying'

'Ficou lá chorando, chorando'

(25) *inhope tuhi heke isotünkgitsagü*

*i-nho-pe* 3-husband-ntm *tuhi* garden *heke* erg *is-otüN-ki-tsagü* 3-sorrow-caus-dur

'The garden of her dead husband was making her deeply sorrowful' 'A roça do falecido esposo fazia com que ela sentisse muita pena'

(26) *ülepe leha etelü indeha eitsüe*

*üle-pe* log-ntm *leha* compl *e-te-lü* 3-go-pnct *inde=ha* here=ha *e-i-tsüe* 2-be-imp.pl 'Then she went away, "Stay here!" (she said to her own children)' 'Depois ela foi, "Fiquem aqui!", (ela falou para seus filhos)'

(27) *tülimo ngondilü leha iheke*

*tü-limo* refl-children *ngondi-lü* leave-pnct *leha* compl *i-heke* 3-erg 'She left her children there' 'Ela deixou seus filhos lá'

<sup>10</sup>See Franchetto (2010) for a description and analysis of the coexisting functions and meanings of the postposition *heke*, as a case (ergative) marker of the external argument of a "transitive verb", and as a perspective locative.

2 Kuikuro

(28) *ilaha utetai ila=ha* there=ha *u-te-tai* 1-go-fut.im '"I am going that way"' '"Eu vou para lá"'

(29) *ilaha nhingadzetai ige nhigüintsai*

*ila=ha* there=ha *ng-ingaNtse-tai* obj-look-fut.im *ige* prox *ng-igüiN-tsai* obj-surround-fut.im '"I'll have a look and take a walk (around the garden)"' '"Vou dar uma olhada nisso e vou dar uma volta nisso (na roça)"'

(30) *lepe leha etelü leha igüinjüi leha*

*üle-pe* log-ntm *leha* compl *e-te-lü* 3-go-pnct *leha* compl *iguiN-jü-i* surround-pnct-cop *leha* compl 'Then she went away and took a walk around (the garden)' 'Depois ela foi-se e deu uma volta (na roça)'


*tü=beki* q=ep *ekise-i* 3.dist-cop *nügü* pnct *i-heke* 3-erg '"Who can that person be?" she said' '"Quem será aquela pessoa?", ela disse'

(33) *lepe leha isinügü leha etuhupüngenügü*

*üle-pe* log-ntm *leha* compl *is-i-nügü* 3-come-pnct *leha* compl *et-uhupünge-nügü* 3dtr-disguise-pnct 'Then she came back and disguised herself' 'Depois ela voltou e disfarçou'

<sup>11</sup>*sube* and, in the following line, *beki* are clitic particles expressing a feeling of surprise, fear and dramatic curiosity.

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku


'"Sim!" ela disse "estou indo por aqui olhando a roça que foi do teu filho"'


2 Kuikuro

(40) *elimo uünkoi ailene inatagü*<sup>12</sup>

*e-limo* 2-children *uüN-ko-i* father-pl-cop *ailene* feast *inata-gü* nose-poss '"Your children's father used to be the first of the feast"' '"O pai dos seus filhos era sempre o primeiro da festa"'

(41) *kogetsi epetsakilü kogetsi epetsakilü*

*kogetsi* tomorrow *epetsaki-lü* adorn-pnct *kogetsi* tomorrow *epetsaki-lü* adorn-pnct '"One day he adorned himself and the other day he adorned himself (also)"' '"Um dia se enfeita, outro dia se enfeita (também)"'

(42) *ilango gitse elimo uünkoi*

*ila-ngo* there-nmlz *gitse* ep *e-limo* 2-children *uüN-ko-i* father-pl-cop "Your children's father was so" '"O pai dos seus filhos era assim"'

(43) *tingakugui gitse etengatohokoi inhaka nügü iheke*

*tingakugu-i* weeping-cop *gitse* ep *e-te-nga-toho-ko-i* 2-go-hab-insnmlz-pl-cop *i-ngaka* 3-instead.of *nügü* pnct *i-heke* 3-erg '"You will always be weeping for him," she (the mother-in-law) said' '"Você ficará sempre lamentando por ele", ela (a sogra) disse'

(44) *ehẽ nügü iheke*

*ehẽ* aff *nügü* pnct *i-heke* 3-erg '"Yes," she (the woman) said' '"Sim", ela (a mulher) disse'

(45) *lepe inho ügühütuki leha isakihata leha iheke*

*üle-pe* log-ntm *i-nho* 3-husband *ügühütu-ki* way.being-ins *leha* compl *is-aki-ha-ta* 3-word-vblz-dur *leha* compl *i-heke* 3-erg 'Then she was telling her about her husband's way of being'

'Depois ela ficou lhe contando sobre o jeito de ser do seu esposo'

<sup>12</sup>To be the first one is expressed as 'to be the nose (of something)': here, the nose of the feast.

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku


'"The day after tomorrow I'll come to you, to get you," she (the mother-in-law) said to her, "the day after tomorrow"' "Depois de amanhã eu voltarei para vocês, para buscar vocês", ela (sogra) disse para ela, "depois de amanhã"

(48) *kekeha egetüeha*

*keke=ha* 1.2.go=ha *egetüe=ha* go.imp.pl=ha

'"Let's go," (the woman said). "You can go!" (the mother-in-law replied)' '"Vamos!", (disse a mulher) "Podem ir", (respondeu a sogra)'

(49) *etelü hõhõ ihüsoho telü leha anha telü leha*<sup>13</sup>

*e-te-lü* 3-go-pnct *hõhõ* emph *i-hüsoho* 3-mother.in.law *te-lü* go-pnct *leha* compl *anha* dead *te-lü* go-pnct *leha* compl 'She went away, her mother-in-law went away, the dead one went away (but would be back soon)' 'Ela foi embora, a sogra foi embora, a morta foi embora (mas iria voltar

logo)'

<sup>13</sup>As explained by the Kuikuro speakers, when someone says "*etelü hõhõ*" (she/he went away emphatic), they are speaking about another person who went away with the intention of returning soon, the same day or the following day; when someone says "*etelü leha*" (she/he went away completive), they are speaking about someone who went away not knowing if they would come back.

2 Kuikuro

(50) *anha hekisei ihoginhi leha isipe ihüsohope*

*anha=ha* dead=ha *ekise-i* 3.dist-cop *i-hogi-nhi* 3-find-anmlz *leha* compl *isi-pe* mother-ntm *i-hüsoho-pe* 3-mother.in.law-ntm

'It was the dead one that found her, the one who had been the mother (of her husband), her deceased mother-in-law' 'Era a morta aquela que a encontrou, a que tinha sido a mãe (do seu esposo), sua finada sogra'

(51) *lepe leha umm igiataka tünkgülü ihanügü iheke*<sup>14</sup>

*üle-pe* log-ntm *leha* compl *umm* itj *igia=taka* so=ep *t-ünkgü-lü* refl-sleep-pnct *iha-nügü* tell-pnct *i-heke* 3-erg 'Then, (the woman remembered): "Umm, that was how she promised to sleep"' 'Depois (a mulher lembrou): "Umm, foi assim que ela prometeu dormir"'

(52) *lepe leha anhü ika kigeke*

*üle-pe* log-ntm *leha* compl *anhü* son *ika* wood *kigeke* 1.2.go.imp "Then, (she said): "My dears! Let's go collect wood!" 'Depois, (ela disse): "Queridos! Vamos buscar lenha!"

(53) *etelü leha*<sup>15</sup>

*e-te-lü* 3-go-pnct *leha* compl 'She went away' 'Ela foi embora'

<sup>14</sup>The storyteller showed the fingers of her hand counting the number three; to 'sleep three' means a three day period of time.

<sup>15</sup>In a narrative, the expression of movement with the verb 'go' (root *te*) often means the movement of the narrative itself, from one scene to the following one.

(54) *etsutühügü ati leha inhügü*

*etsu-tühügü* promise.return-prf *ati* when *leha* compl *i-nhügü* be-pnct 'Then came the day she had promised to return' 'Chegou o dia em que ela tinha prometido voltar'

(55) *indeha eitsüe tülimo ngondingalü leha iheke inhondingalüko*

*inde=ha* here=ha *e-i-tsüe* 2-be-imp.pl *tü-limo* refl-children *ngondi-nga-lü* leave-hab-pnct *leha* compl *i-heke* 3-erg *i-ngondi-nga-lü-ko* 3-leave-hab-pnct-pl

'"Stay here!" She used to leave her children, she often leaves them' '"Fiquem aqui!" Ela costumava deixar seus filhos, ela costumava deixá-los'

(56) *indeha amanhetüe*

*inde=ha* here=ha *amanhe-tüe* play-imp.pl '"Play here!"' '"Brinquem por aqui!"'

(57) *lepe leha*

*üle-pe* log-ntm *leha* compl 'After this' 'Depois disso'

(58) *etelü leha egei isinümbata gehale ihüsoho enhümbata*

*e-te-lü* 3-go-pnct *leha* compl *ege-i* dist-cop *is-i-nüN-hata* 3-be-pnct-when *gehale* also *i-hüsoho* 3-mother.in.law *eN-nhüN-hata* come-pnct-when

'She went away when she (the mother-in-law) was coming back again' 'Foi, quando ela (a sogra) estava vindo novamente'

2 Kuikuro

(59) *inhalü leha ingügijüi leha hüle iheke inhalü*<sup>16</sup> neg *leha* compl *ingügi-jü-i* give.lap-pnct-cop *leha* compl *hüle* cntr *i-heke* 3-erg 'However, she (the mother-in-law) did not circle around anymore' 'Ela (a sogra), porém, não deu mais voltas'

(60) *uhunügü leha iheke*

*uhu-nügü* know-pnct *leha* compl *i-heke* 3-erg 'She (the woman) already knew' 'Ela (a mulher) já sabia'

(61) *lepe leha isinügü*

*üle-pe* then *leha* compl *is-i-nügü* 3-be-pnct 'Then, she (the mother-in-law) arrived' 'Então, ela (a sogra) chegou'

(62) *ande taka uetsagü akihalükoinha*

*ande* here *taka* ep *u-e-tsagü* 1-arrive-prog *akiha-lü-ko-inha* 2.tell-pnct-pl-dat '"Here I come to warn you" (the mother-in-law said)' '"Aqui chego para avisá-los" (disse a sogra)'

(63) *aminga akatsange elimo uünko telüingo haguna aminga*

*aminga* other.day *akatsange* int *e-limo* 2-children *uüN-ko* father-pl *te-lü-ingo* go-pnct-fut *hagu-na* bayou-all *aminga* other.day

'"The day after tomorrow your children's father will go on a fishing trip"' '"Depois de amanhã o pai de seus filhos irá para a pescaria"'

<sup>16</sup>Kuikuro has two free grammatical forms to mark negation having scope on verbal or nominal phrases: *inhalü* is a kind of weak negation, and it always occurs with the non-verbal copula *-i* suffixed to the negated verb or nominal. *ahütü* is for stronger negations and it always occurs with the privative *-la* suffixed to the negated verb or nominal.

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku

(64) *ülegote akatsange uenhümingo akihalükoinha ülegote üle-gote* log-when *akatsange* int *u-e-nhümingo* 1-arrive-pnct.fut *akiha-lü-ko-inha* tell-pnct-pl-dat *üle-gote* log-when '"When this happens, I'll come to warn you"' '"Quando isso acontecer, eu virei avisá-la"'

(65) *eitigini etimbelüko ingitomi*

*e-itigi-ni* 2-fin-pl *etimbe-lü-ko* arrive-pnct-pl *ingi-tomi* see-purp

'"To pick you up, so you'll see their arrival (from the fishing trip)"' '"Para buscar você, de modo que veja a chegada deles (da pescaria)"'

(66) *esepe kae akatsange uenhümingo eitigini*<sup>17</sup>

*ese-pe* 3.prox-ntm *kae* loc *akatsange* int *u-e-nhümingo* 1-arrive-pnct.fut *e-itigi-ni* 2-fin-pl

'"After this (after four days), I'll come back to pick you up"' '"Depois deste (depois de quatro dias), eu virei lhe buscar"'

(67) *isakihatagü gehale üleki ügühütuki hagunaha etelükoingoki is-akiha-tagü* 3-tell-dur *gehale* also *üle-ki* log-ins *ügühütu-ki* custom-ins *hagu-na=ha* bayou-all=ha *e-te-lü-ko-ingo-ki* 3-go-pnct-fut-ins 'She (the mother-in-law) was also telling about that, about their way of

being, about how they go on fishing trips' 'Ela (a sogra) também ficou contando sobre aquilo, sobre o jeito deles, sobre como eles vão para a pescaria'

(68) *kekeha nügü iheke etelüko leha*

*keke=ha* 1.2.imp=ha *nügü* pnct *i-heke* 3-erg *e-te-lü-ko* 3-go-pnct-pl *leha* compl

'"Let's go!" she said, they went away'

'"Vamos!", ela disse e foram embora'

<sup>17</sup>*Esepe kae* (after this one): the mother-in-law counts three fingers and indicates the fourth finger, the one after the third finger. The system of Kuikuro numerals is base 5, with counting beginning with the thumb and progressing to the little finger, thus completing a unit of 5. From 6 to 9 the numbers from 1 to 4 are repeated with the addition of the expression "made to cross to the other side". The number 10 closes another unit of 5. The same logic operates for the numbers from 11 to 15 (on the foot) and from 16 to 20 (crossing to the other side [the other foot]).

2 Kuikuro

(69) *tetingugi leha atahaingalüko*

*tetingugi* each *leha* compl *at-ahaiN-nga-lü-ko* 3dtr-separate-hab-pnct-pl 'They separated, each walking to a different side at the same time' 'Separaram-se, cada uma indo para um lado ao mesmo tempo'

(70) *lepe leha igia isünkgüpügü atai*

*üle-pe* log-ntm *leha* compl *igia* so *is-ünkgü-pügü* 3-sleep-prf *atai* when 'After sleeping this way' (3)<sup>18</sup> 'Depois de ter dormido assim' (3)

(71) *ika kigeke ailehüle üle tohoingo hüle*

*ika* wood *kige-ke* go-imp *aileha=hüle* compl=cntr *üle-toho-ingo* log-insnmlz-fut *hüle* cntr

'"Let's go to collect wood!" It will be then that it happened' '"Vamos buscar lenha!" Será naquele momento que acontecerá'

(72) *ijopenümi gehale isinügü*

*ijope-nümi* come.toward-pnct.cop *gehale* also *is-i-nügü* 3-be-pnct 'Once more she (the mother-in-law) came toward her' 'Novamente ela (a sogra) veio em sua direção'

(73) *andetaka uetsagü akihalükoinha*

*ande=taka* now=ep *u-e-tsagü* 1-come-dur *akiha-lü-ko-inha* tell-pnct-pl-dat '"I came here today to warn you"' '"Eu vim lhe avisar"'

(74) *ehe elimo uünko akatsange leha haguna ihaki nügü iheke*

*ehe* itj *e-limo* 2-children *uüN-ko* father-pl *akatsange* int *leha* compl *hagu-na* bayou-all *ihaki* far *nügü* pnct *i-heke* 3-erg '"All right, your children's father (is) really far away on the fishing trip," she said to her' '"Certo, o pai dos seus filhos (está) mesmo longe na pescaria", disse para ela'

<sup>18</sup>*Ájahi* indicates with the hand the number 3, meaning that three days elapsed.

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku


*ingi-gokomi* 3.see-purp.pl *hõhõ* emph *e-heke-ni* 2-erg-pl '"For you to see them"' '"Para você vê-los"'

(78) *igiaha tingakügüi etelüko hinhe*

*igia=ha* so=ha *tingakügü-i* weeping-cop *e-te-lü-ko=hinhe* 2-go-pnct-pl=npurp '"So you do not go around weeping for him"' '"Para você não mais andar pranteando por ele"'

(79) *elimo uünko hüngüngü igelü hinhe ehekeni*

*e-limo* 2-children *uüN-ko* father-pl *hüngüngü* feeling.lack *ige-lü=hinhe* carry-pnct=npurp *e-heke-ni* 2-erg-pl '"For you to no longer carry such nostalgia for your children's father" '"Para você não carregar mais a saudade do pai dos seus filhos"'

(80) *epetsakinge inatagü sogitse tingakügüi gitse etengatohokoi gitse elimo uünko nügü iheke epetsaki-nge* adorn-nmlz *inata-gü* noose-poss *sogitse* em *tingakügü-i* weeping-cop *gitse* em *e-te-nga-toho-ko-i* 2-go-hab-insnmlz-pl-cop *gitse* em *e-limo* 2-children *uüN-ko* father-pl *nügü* pnct *i-heke* 3-erg '"He is the first to adorn himself; don't go around weeping for your children's father," she said to her'

'"Ele é o primeiro a se enfeitar; não ande sempre por aí pranteando o pai dos seus filhos", ela lhe disse'

(81) *tatoho ingakatalü sogitse elimo uünkoi gitse esei tingakugui eigengalüko heke*

*t-atoho* refl-other.wife *ingakata-lü* love-pnct *sogitse* em *e-limo* 2-children *uüN-ko-i* father-pl-cop *gitse* em *ese-i* 3.prox-cop *tingakügü-i* weeping-cop *e-ige-nga-lü-ko* 2-take-hab-pnct-pl *heke* erg

'"He makes love with his other wife, your children's father is like this, while you are weeping"'

'"Ele namora com a sua outra esposa (do outro mundo), assim é o pai dos seus filhos, enquanto você fica chorando"'

(82) *tahekasasai gele tatoho itinhündelü heke tahekasasa-i* lying-cop *gele* still *t-atoho* refl-other.wife *itinhünde-lü* lie.hammock-pnct *heke* erg '"He is always lying down in the hammock with his other wife"' '"Ele está sempre deitado na rede com a sua outra esposa"'

(83) *ilango gitse elimo uünkoi tühünitati ehekeni*

*ila-ngo* there-nmlz *gitse* ep *e-limo* 2-children *uüN-ko-i* father-pl-cop *tü-hüni-tati* refl-feel.lack-? *e-heke-ni* 2-erg-pl '"There, your children's father is like this, the one that you are missing"' '"Lá, o pai dos seus filhos é assim, aquele de quem você sente falta"'

(84) *eijatongoko itinhündelü heke gitse elimo uünko itsagü nügü iheke*

*eijatongo-ko* 2nd.wife-pl *itinhünde-lü* lie-pnct *heke* erg *gitse* ep *e-limo* 2-children *uüN-ko* father-pl *i-tsagü* be-dur *nügü* pnct *i-heke*

3-erg

'"Your children's father always lies down in the hammock with his second wife," she said to her'

'"O pai dos seus filhos fica sempre deitado na rede com a sua segunda esposa", ela disse'

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku


'Then, her (mother-in-law's) children went on the fishing trip' 'Então, os filhos dela (da sogra) foram para a pescaria'

(88) *igeitaka isünkgülüingo igeitaka ige-i=taka* prox-cop=ep *is-ünkgü-lü-ingo* 3-sleep-pnct-fut *ige-i=taka* prox-cop=ep '"Will she sleep so many nights?"'<sup>19</sup> '"Será que ela irá dormir estas tantas noites?"'

(89) *esepe kae itigi hüle isinügü*

*ese-pe* 3.prox-ntm *kae* loc *itigi* to.seek *hüle* cntr *is-i-nügü* 3-come-pnct 'But exactly on this day she (the mother-in-law) arrived to get her' 'Mas exatamente neste dia ela (a sogra) veio buscá-la'

(90) *kekegeha nügü iheke*

*kekege=ha* let's.go=ha *nügü* pnct *i-heke* 3-erg '"Let's go," she said to her' '"Vamos!", ela lhe disse'

<sup>19</sup>The widowed woman asks herself how many days will pass until her mother-in-law comes back to get her.


*üle-pe* log-ntm *leha* compl *e-te-lü-ko* 3-go-pnct-pl *leha* compl 'Then, they went away' 'Depois disso, eles foram'

(96) *hakitsetse leha atamini ngika ngondilü ihekeni osiha ina eitsüe haki-tsetse* far-dim *leha* compl *ata-mini* when-pl *ngika* them *ngondi-lü* leave-pnct *i-heke-ni* 3-erg-pl *osi=ha* well=ha *ina* here *e-i-tsüe* 2-be-imp.pl

'When they were not so far from the village, they left them (the children): "Stay here!"'

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku

'Quando estavam pouco longe da aldeia, os (filhos) deixaram: "Fiquem aqui!"'

(97) *tüatsagati leha tüilü iheke*

*tü-atsagati* refl-in.front *leha* compl *tüi-lü* put-pnct *i-heke* 3-erg 'She (the mother-in-law) put her in front of herself' 'Ela (a sogra) a colocou em sua frente'

(98) *itükanhenügü letüha iheke itükanhenügü itükanhenügü*

*itüka-nhe-nügü* 3.move.up-tr-pnct *üle=tü=ha* log=uncr=ha *i-heke* 3-erg *itüka-nhe-nügü* 3.move.up-tr-pnct *itüka-nhe-nügü* 3.move.up-tr-pnct

'Then, she moved her up, she moved her up, she moved her up' 'Ela a fez subir, fez subir, fez subir'<sup>20</sup>

(99) *inegetüha ihhh kahü ijatüna tsitsi letsügüha inhünkgo leha*

*inege=tü=ha* this.side=uncr=ha *ihhh* id *kahü* sky *ijatü-na* armpit-al *tsitsi* almost *üle=tsügü=ha* log=uncr=ha *i-nhüN-ko leha*

3-be-pnct-pl compl

'On this side, *ihhh*, they reached almost to the limit of the sky (with the earth) and (there) they stayed'

'Deste lado, *ihhh*, chegaram quase no limite do céu (com a terra) e (lá) ficaram'

(100) *itükainjüko leha osiha etimükeĩtüe ah etimükeĩtüe*

*itükaiN-jü-ko* 3-move.up-pnct-pl *leha* compl *osi=ha* well=ha *et-imükeĩ-tüe* 2.dtr-turn.face-imp.pl *ah* itj *et-imükeĩ-tüe* 2.dtr-turn.face-imp.pl 'They moved up: "Well, turn your face (down), ah, turn your face (down)!" 'Elas subiram; "Vire o rosto (para baixo), vire o rosto (para baixo)!"

<sup>20</sup>*tü(ha)* and *tsügü(ha)* are clitics, epistemic/evidentials (EM), whose meaning is approximately: 'I, the speaker, cannot assume the truth of this information; people say it happened'.

### 2 Kuikuro


*lepe* then *leha* compl *e-te-lü-ko* 3-go-pnct-pl 'Then, they went away' 'Depois disso, elas foram'

(106) *anha engübeha tanginhügü ẽgipügati leha inhügü anha* dead *engübeha* ep *tanginhü-gü* main.path-poss *ẽgipügati* at.top.head *leha* compl *i-nhügü* be-pnct 'They stayed right at the beginning of the main path of the dead' 'Ficaram bem no começo do caminho principal dos mortos'

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku


*i-hüsoho* 3-mother.in.law *e-nhügü* come-pnct *leha* compl *is-ingi* 3-after 'The mother-in-law was coming after her' 'A sogra vinha atrás dela'


*ama=ha* path=ha *is-ima-gü-ko* 3-path-poss-pl *tanginhü* main.path 'The path, their path (of the dead), the main path' 'O caminho, o caminhos deles (dos mortos), o caminho principal'

2 Kuikuro

(113) *tange itamingügüi leha teh*

*tange* pot *itamingü-gü-i* drawing-poss-cop *leha* compl *teh* itj 'It looked like the drawing on the small pots, beautiful!' 'Parecia com a pintura da panelinha de barro, bem bonita!'

(114) *ama tepügü*

*ama* path *te-pügü* go-prf 'The way of going (to the village of the dead)' 'O caminho da ida (para a aldeia dos mortos)'

(115) *anha akapügütsügü*

*anha* dead *akapügü=tsügü* proper=uncr 'Done especially for the dead' 'Feito especialmente para os mortos'

(116) *ingiale ekugu igia tsügü tihü heke gele ingiale isita gele*

*ingi-ale* see-sim *ekugu* really *igia=tsügü* like.this=uncr *tihü* living *heke* erg *gele* still *ingi-ale* see-sim *is-ita* 3-be-cont *gele* still 'The living one was coming like this, looking, looking' 'A viva estava vindo assim olhando, olhando'<sup>22</sup>

(117) *anha imagü*

*anha* dead *ima-gü* path-poss 'The path of the dead' 'O caminho dos mortos'

(118) *lepe leha etelüko leha*

*üle-pe* log-ntm *leha* compl *e-te-lü-ko* 3-go-pnct-pl *leha* compl 'Then, they went' 'Depois elas foram'

<sup>22</sup>Only one who is dead can pass on the path of the dead, but in this case the woman was alive.

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku

(119) *ngikaho letüha sinünkgo*

*ngikaho* back.door *üle=tü=ha* log=uncr=ha *is-i-nüN-ko* 3-be-pnct-pl 'At the back of the houses, there they stayed' 'Atrás das casas, lá ficaram'


*timbuku=tü=ha* cassava.piece=uncr=ha *üle* log *huja-ti* middle-all *leha* compl 'Just in the middle of the pieces of dried cassava paste' 'No meio dos pedaços de massa seca de mandioca'

(122) *ĩtsüi kuiginhu*<sup>25</sup> *hagatepügü*

*ĩtsüi* lot *kuiginhu* cassava.flour *hagate-pügü* store-prf

'There was a lot of cassava flour stored there' 'Tinha muito polvilho armazenado'

(123) *anha inhangoha kaküngi tsügüha anha inhango*

*anha* dead *inhango=ha* food=ha *kaküngi* much *tsügü=ha* uncr=ha *anha* dead *inhango* food 'There was a lot of the food of the dead, food of the dead' 'Tinha muita comida dos mortos, comida dos mortos'

<sup>23</sup>The cassava paste is placed on an *ogo* – a platform built at the back of the house – to dry in the sun.

<sup>24</sup>The word *timbuku* refers to a particular form of the pieces of the dried cassava paste.

<sup>25</sup>The word *kuiginhu* refers to the cassava flour, the end product of women's long and heavy labor necessary to process the cassava (*Manihot esculenta*), which begins in the gardens with the digging up of the roots and goes through successive phases of withdrawal of the hydrocyanic acid (poisonous to humans), until the cassava paste is left to dry in the sun.

2 Kuikuro


so nobody knew' '(A sogra) estava escondendo (a nora) para ninguém saber, para ninguém saber'

(126) *üle hata tsügü gehale*

*üle* log *hata* while *tsügü* uncr *gehale* again 'Meanwhile, again' 'Enquanto isso, novamente'


<sup>26</sup>Literally, '(she) was making (her) unknown'.

<sup>27</sup>In the language of the dead, words are different (for the same referent): *túhagu* is the word of the dead for 'strainer', *angagi* in the language of the living.

<sup>28</sup>The adverb *üngahi* means 'along the circle of the houses' (the Xinguan village is typically an oval circle of houses) and here it is nominalized by the suffix *-ngo*, exclusive for adverbs and numerals.

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku

*uhi-tsa* search-prog *leha* compl *kupehe-ni* 1.2.erg-pl

'"Listen! Listen! They are trying to speak our former language"' (the mother-in-law was saying) '"Ouça! Ouça! Eles estão tentando falar a nossa língua (quando vivos)"' (a sogra dizia)

(129) *egea akatsange kakisüko anügü leha*

*egea* like.that *akatsange* int *k-aki-sü-ko* 1.2-word-poss-pl *a-nügü* be-pnct *leha* compl

'"That's how our language is here"' '"É assim que é a nossa língua aqui"'

(130) *kakisükope uhitsa leha igei kupeheni leha egea leha*

*k-aki-sü-ko-pe* incl-word-poss-pl-ntm *uhi-tsa* search-dur *leha* compl *ige-i* prox *kupehe-ni* 1.2-pl *leha* compl *egea* so *leha* compl

'They were trying to speak our language (that was their language when alive)' (comment by *Ájahi*) 'Eles estavam tentando falar a nossa língua (que era a língua deles quando vivos)' (comentário de *Ájahi*)

(131) *igiatsetse unkgu uigiholotogu*<sup>29</sup> *ingete*

*igia-tsetse* like.this-dim *unkgu* small *u-igiholoto-gu* l-griddle-poss *iN-kete* bring-imp.cntp

'It did not take too long, (she heard): "Bring my *igihitolo* (a clay griddle for cooking cassava bread)"'

'Não demorou muito, (ela ouviu): "Traga meu *igihitolo* (tacho)!"'

(132) *itsatüeha*

*i-ta-tüe=ha* 3-hear-imp.pl=ha

'Listen to this!' (*Ájahi* says to the researcher) 'Ouça isto!' (*Ájahi* diz para o pesquisador)

<sup>29</sup>*Igiholoto* is the word for *alato* (the griddle pan for cooking cassava bread), in the language of the dead.


*ekü* con *hüle* cntr *ege-i* prox-cop *angagi* strainer *heke* erg *túhagu* túhagu *iN-kete* bring-imp.ctp *ta iheke*

'But before it was the sieve she was talking about, (when she said) "Bring *túhagu*!"'

'Mas antes era da peneira que ela estava falando, (quando disse) "Traga *túhagu*!"'

(135) *angagi heke tetunetohongoi heke*

*angagi* strainer *heke* erg *t-et-une-toho-ngo-i* refl-dtr-sift-insnmlz-nmlz-cop *heke* erg

'(Referring) to the sieve, that she used to sift (cassava paste) for herself' '(Referindo-se) à peneira, aquilo que serve para ela peneirar para ela mesma'

(136) *ikine ikitsomi tsügü hüle egei iheke tük*

*ikine* cassava.bread *iki-tsomi* make.cassava.bread-purp *tsügü* uncr *hüle* cntr *ege-i* dist-cop *i-heke* 3-erg *tük*

ideo

'But for her to cook cassava bread, *tük*' 'Mas para para ela fazer beiju, *tük*'

(137) *uigiholotogu ingete tatohoi iheke*

*u-igiholoto-gu* 1-griddle-pos *iN-kete* bring-imp.cntp *ta-toho-i* say-ins.nmlz-cop *i-heke* 3-erg '"Bring my *igiholoto* (griddle)," was what she meant to say' '"Traga meu *igiholoto* (tacho)!", era para ela dizer'


*ta* dur *tsügü* uncr *i-iheke* 3-erg 'She was saying to her' 'Dizia para ela'

(143) *tumukugu hitsü akihatagü iheke*

*tu-muku-gu* refl-son-poss *hi-tsü* wife-poss *aki-ha-tagü* word-vblz-dur *i-heke* 3-erg 'She was telling her son's wife' 'Ela contava para a esposa do seu filho'

2 Kuikuro

(144) *ülepe igia ünkgu tinho tataheti teh üle-pe* log-ntm *igia* like.this *ünkgu* little *tü-nho* refl-husband *t-atahe-ti* ptcp-spy-ptcp *teh* itj 'Shortly after, she spied on her husband (and said): "Wow! Beautiful!"' 'Pouco depois disso, ela espiou o esposo (e disse): "Nossa! Que bonito!"'


*tatsajo* all.together *üle=tü* log=uncr *tomogokombeke* stuck.in.the.other *üne* house *te-pügü* go-prf

'The houses were one next to the other' 'As casas eram coladas umas às outras'

(147) *tepugopeti*

*t-epugope-ti* ptcp-be.circle-ptcp 'In a circle' 'Em círculo'

(148) *hangakaki tajühe tsetsei kuakutu*

*hanga-ka-ki* ear-big-ins *tajühe* chief.house *tsetse-i* almost.same-cop *kuakutu* men.house 'The *kwakutu* (men's house) was almost as the *tajühe* (chief's house) with big ears' 'O *kwakutu* (casa dos homens) era quase do tamanho da *tajühe* (casa do chefe) de orelhas grandes'

<sup>30</sup>The village plaza is qualified as reddish (*tahisügi*, root *hisu* 'red') because this is the typical color of most of the non-flood areas of central Brazil; the villages are always erected in these higher places.

<sup>31</sup>*Hugogo* is the village plaza, surrounded by the circle of houses.

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku


*üle-pe* log-ntm *leha* compl *igia* like.this *ungku* little *giti* sun *ikühagati-lü* rise-pnct 'Shortly after, the sun came up' 'Não demorou muito e o sol logo nasceu'


*ainde-ko* dem-pl *akatsange* int 'They are coming' 'Eles estão vindo'

(153) *etihüĩtsüe etihüĩtsüe*

*et-ihüĩ-tsüe et-ihüĩ-tsüe*

2.dtr-stay.quite-imp.pl 2.dtr-stay.quite-imp.pl

'"Don't move, don't move!'" (the mother-in-law says to her

daughter-in-law hidden among the cassava balls)

'"Não se mexa, não se mexa!"' (a sogra fala para a nora escondida entre as bolas de massa de mandioca)

<sup>32</sup>The fishermen shout as they approach the village.

<sup>33</sup>The collective of "husband" refers to the group composed by the husband and his brothers. These are a woman's potential sexual partners and spouses. The suffix *-mo* is a cognate of a common plural/collective suffix in other Carib languages.

2 Kuikuro

(154) *elimo uünko ingilüpile atsange ketikaĩtsó e-limo* 2-children *uüN-ko* father-pl *ingi-lü-pile* see-pnct-conc *atsange* int *ket-ikaĩ-tsó* proh-get.up-proh '"Even if you see the father of your children, don't get up!"' '"Mesmo se você ver o pai dos seus filhos, não se levante!"'

(155) *ketikaĩtsó atsange*

*ke-tikaĩ-tsó* proh-get.up-proh *atsange* int '"Don't really get up!"' '"Não se levante mesmo!"'

(156) *kakungakitüingi atsange elimo uünko enhügü kakungakitüingi*

*k-akunga-ki-tüingi* 1.2-soul-vblz-avd *atsange* int *e-limo* 2-children *uüN-ko* father-pl *e-nhügü* come-pnct *k-akunga-ki-tüngi* 1.2-soul-vblz-avd '"Do not be alarmed by the arrival of the father of your children, do not be alarmed!"' '"Não se assuste com a chegada do pai dos seus filhos, não se assuste!"'

(157) *ülepe leha*

*üle-pe* log-ntm *leha* compl 'After this' 'Depois disso'

(158) *ẽnünkgo leha ihinhanoko ẽnügü pokü*

*ẽ-nüN-ko* 3.enter-pnct-pl *leha* compl *i-hinhano-ko* 3-older.brother-pl *ẽ-nügü* enter-pnct *pokü*<sup>34</sup> ideo

'They entered (the house), their older brother entered, *pokü*' 'Eles entraram, o irmão mais velho deles entrou, *pokü*'

<sup>34</sup>Ideophone for the act of unloading weight from the back or from the head to the floor.

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku


*igia* like.this *tuhugu=tsügü* amount=uncr *inhakagü* soap *kami-sa-tühügü* tie-dur-prf 'That's how they had tied the bundle of *inhakagü* roots' 'Era assim que eles tinham amarrado o feixe de raízes de *inhakagü*'


*ai=tü=ha* then=uncr=ha *ẽ-nüN-ko* enter-pnct-pl 'Then, they entered' 'Então, eles entraram'

(164) *ihinhanoko hotugui tüẽdinhüi*

*i-hinhano-ko hotugu-i tü-ẽ-ti-nhü-i*

3-older.brother-pl first-cop ptcp-enter-ptcp-nanmlz-cop

'It was the older brother who entered first'

'Foi o irmão mais velho que entrou primeiro'

<sup>35</sup>Root of an unidentified plant that when rubbed with water produces foam; it was used before industrialized soap became available.

<sup>36</sup>*Ájahi* remembered an old custom and showed to the listeners how old people used to manage and carry the traditional "soap".

(165) *ülepe ihisü ülepe isingingope ülepe aküpügüko tsügü hüle ekisei ihisükoi*

*üle-pe* log-ntm *i-hi-sü* 3-younger.brother-poss *üle-pe* log-ntm *is-ingi-ngo-pe* 3-behind-nmlz-ntm *üle-pe* log-ntm *aküpügü-ko=tsügü* 3.youngest-pl=uncr *hüle* cntr *ekise-i* 3.dist-cop *i-hi-sü-ko-i* 3-younger.brother-poss-pl-cop 'Then the younger brother, then the one who comes after him, then the last one, that one, their younger brother' 'Depois o irmão mais novo, depois o que vem atrás dele, depois o último, aquele, o irmão mais novo deles'

(166) *ekiseiha ekisei ngisoi*

*ekise-i=ha* 3.dist-cop=ha *ekise-i* 3.dist-cop *ngiso-i* spouse-cop 'That one was the husband of that (woman)' 'Aquele era o esposo daquela (mulher)'

(167) *üẽnünkgo leha*

*ü-ẽ-nüN-ko* 3-enter-pnct-pl *leha* compl 'They entered' 'Eles entraram'

(168) *tünho ingilütü iheke ikühagatilü ikühagatilü*

*tü-nho* refl-husband *ingi-lü=tü* see-pnct=uncr *i-heke* 3-erg *ikühagati-lü* 3.get.up.little-pnct *ikühagati-lü* 3.get.up.little-pnct 'She saw her husband (and) got up a little, she got up a little' 'Ela viu o esposo e se levantou um pouco, se levantou um pouco'

(169) *tãuguila letüha titaginhu imbüa geleha ihüsoho heke apenügü*

*tãuguila* speaking.high *üle=tü=ha* log-uncr-ha *t-itaginhu* refl-converse *imbua* in.middle *gele=ha* still=ha *i-hüsoho* 3-mother-in-law *heke* erg *ape-nügü* tell.shut.up-pnct 'While (her mother-in-law) was speaking loudly (with her son), still in the middle of the conversation, her mother-in-law told her to shut up'

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku

'Enquanto (a sogra) falava alto (com o filho), ainda no meio da conversa, a sogra mandou ela se calar'

(170) *üle lopenümi ületahüle ihitsü etikainjü itsikuoinjüinha*

*üle* log *lope-nümi* stand.direction-pnct.cop *ületa=hüle* log=cntr *i-hi-tsü* 3-wife-poss *et-ikaiN-jü* 3.dtr-get.up-pnct *i-tikuoĩ-jü-inha* 3-hug-pnct-dat

'Going to meet him (the dead), the wife (of the dead) got up to hug him' 'Indo ao seu (do morto) encontro, a esposa (do morto) se levantou para abraçá-lo'<sup>37</sup>

(171) *ikuilisale leha ipigagü kae*

*i-kuili-sale* 3-kiss-sim *leha* compl *i-piga-gü* 3-cheek-poss *kae* on 'She kissed him on the cheeks' 'Beijou-o nas bochechas'

(172) *akehenügü ületüha iheke mbokü*

*akehe-nügü* take.house.corner-pnct *üle=tü=ha* log=uncr=ha *i-heke* 3-erg *mbokü*<sup>38</sup> ideo

'She took him to the corner of the house (and) lay on top of him' 'Ela o levou para o canto da casa (e) deitou-se em cima dele'

(173) *itsikaĩholü itsikaĩholü*

*i-tikaĩ-ho-lü* 3-get.up-cf-pnct *i-tikaĩ-ho-lü* 3-get.up-cf-pnct 'She (the living wife) almost got up, she almost got up' 'Ela (a esposa viva) quase se levantou, quase se levantou'

(174) *itsinhulukijü tsügüha Itsangitsegu heke*

*i-kinhulu-ki-jü* 3-jealousy-vblz-pnct *tsügü=ha* uncr=ha *Itsangitsegu* itsangitsegu *heke* erg

'She got jealous of *Itsangitsegu*' 'Ela ficou com ciúmes de *Itsangitsegu*'

<sup>37</sup>*Ájahi* refers here to *Itangitsegu*, the wife of the dead in the village of the dead.

<sup>38</sup>Ideophone that expresses the act of lying on someone (the sexual act).

### 2 Kuikuro

(175) *Itsangitsegu hekisei ihitsüi Itsangitsegu atühügü*

*Itsangitsegu=ha* itsangitsegu=ha *ekise-i* 3.dist-cop *i-hi-tsü-i* 3-wife-poss-cop *Itsangitsegu* itsangitsegu *a-tühügü* stay-prf 'That one was *Itsangitsegu, Itsangitsegu* had become his wife' 'Aquela era *Itsangitsegu, Itsangitsegu* tinha se tornado a esposa dele'

(176) *ülehinhe hüle egei*

*üle-hinhe* log-npurp *hüle* cntr *ege-i* dist-cop

'It was because of her (that the living wife had been jealous)' 'Era por causa dela (que a esposa viva tinha ficado com ciúme)'

(177) *ketikaĩtsó atsange ketikaĩtsó*

*ke-tikaĩ-tsó* proh-get.up-proh *atsange* int *ke-tikaĩ-tsó* proh-get.up-proh '"Do not get up, do not get up!"' (the mother-in-law said) '"Não se levante, não se levante!"' (disse a sogra)

(178) *hum hum uãbeki kukanünkgo*

*hum* ideo *hum* ideo *uã-beki* q-ep *kuk-a-nüN-ko* 1.2-be-pnct-pl '"*Hum hum*, what's happening to us?"' (the dead said) '"*Hum hum*, o que está acontecendo conosco?"' (os mortos disseram)

(179) *hum hum tihühokolo giketilübe nügü leha ihekeni*

*hum* ideo *hum*<sup>39</sup> ideo *tihühokolo* living *gike-ti-lü=be* smell-vblz-pnct=ep *nügü* say *leha* compl *i-heke-ni* 3-erg-pl '"*Hum*, I can smell a living person," they said' '"*Hum* , estou sentindo cheiro de pessoa viva" eles disseram'

<sup>39</sup>At this moment, *Ájahi*, the storyteller, represents the dead character spitting on the ground, thus expressing nausea induced by the smell of the living. It is another example of inverted perspective, since the smell of the dead (rotten flesh) causes disgust in the living. In the next lines she repeats the gesture.

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku


'It was annatto he was talking about, it was annatto that they called *ahijunu*' (clarification by *Ájahi*)' 'Era do urucum que ele estava falando, era urucum o que eles chamavam de *ahijunu*' (esclarecimento de *Ájahi*)

(182) *hum tihühokolo giketilübe*

*hum* ideo *tihühokolo* living *gike-ti-lü=be* smell-vblz-pnct=ep '"Hum, a living person is giving off a smell "' '"Hum, uma pessoa viva está exalando cheiro"'

(183) *ülepe leha*

*üle-pe* log-ntm *leha* compl 'After this' 'Depois disso'

(184) *tükangagüko inkgatilü leha ihekeni hugombonga*

*tü-kanga-gü-ko* refl-fish-poss-pl *inkgati-lü* go.share-pnct *leha* compl *i-heke-ni* 3-erg-pl *hugombo-nga* plaza-all

'They went to the middle of the plaza to share their fish'<sup>41</sup> 'Eles levaram peixe para o centro da aldeia'

<sup>40</sup>The dead smell the living, who give off the scent of annatto (*Bixa orellana*). A red pigment extracted from the seeds of this plant is used not only on ritual occasions, but almost daily, to paint the body and artifacts. In the language of the dead, however, annatto is called *ahijunu*, while in the language of the living it is called *umüngi*. Annatto is life.

(185) *etelüko e-te-lü-ko* 3-go-pnct-pl 'They went' 'Eles foram'

(186) *lepe enhügü leha*


*ese* 3.prox *heke* erg *inhakagü* soap *ige-lü* carry-pnct *ese* 3.prox *heke* erg *inhakagü* soap *ige-lü* carry-pnct *tü-ẽgiki-ni* refl-each-pl

'He took *inhakagü*, he took *inhakagü*, each one for himself' 'Ele pegou *inhakagü*, ele pegou *inhakagü*, cada um deles para si mesmo'

(189) *inhakagü inügü leha ihekeni*

*inhakagü* soap *i-nügü* bring-pnct *leha* compl *i-heke-ni* 3-erg-pl 'They brought *inhakagü*' 'Eles trouxeram *inhakagü*'

<sup>41</sup>When men return from a collective fishing trip, during the performance of a ritual, they take much of what they have caught to the central plaza of the village, in front of or inside the men's house, to be divided and distributed to all houses and to the men gathered in the center.

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku

(190) *etelüko leha e-te-lü-ko* 3-go-pnct-pl *leha* compl 'They went' 'Eles foram'

(191) *totsonkgilükoinha leha tüenkgügükope tijüinha tsügüha egei ütelüko t-o-konkgi-lü-ko-inha* refl-dtr-wash-pnct-pl-dat *leha* compl *tü-enkgü-gü-ko-pe* refl-bad.smell-poss-pl-ntm *tijü-inha* take.off-dat *tsügü=ha* uncr=ha *ege-i* dist-cop *ü-te-lü-ko* 3-go-pnct-pl

'They went to wash themselves, to get rid of their bad smell (of fish)' 'Foram para se lavar, para tirar o seu cheiro podre de peixe'

(192) *atütüila kukugeko ai*

*atütü-i-la* good-cop-priv *kukuge-ko* 1.2-pl *ai* ideo '"Unfortunately, we're not well!"' (the mother-in-law said) "'Hélas, nós não (estamos) bem!"' (a sogra disse)

(193) *Tisuge*<sup>42</sup>

*Tisuge* 1.3 "'We'" "'Nós"'

(194) *igia agagenaha ketsüjenügü*

*igia* like.this *agage=naha* as=ep *k-etsüje-nügü* 1.2-die-pnct 'When we die' 'Quando morremos'

<sup>42</sup>The dead mother-in-law alternates between use of first-person plural inclusive free pronoun *kukugeko* (in the preceding line) and the first-person plural exclusive free pronoun *tisuge*. This is an example of the shift of perspective from inclusive to exclusive pronouns (or vice-versa): with *kukuge(ko)* the addressee is included because her body will rot inevitably when she becomes *anha*; with *tisuge*, the speaker excludes the addressee, opposing the dead to the living.

2 Kuikuro

(195) *ülepe inhalüma jahetüha kukenkgügü etijüi*

*üle-pe* log-ntm *inhalü-ma* neg-dub *jahe=tü=ha* quickly=uncr=ha *kuk-enkgü-gü* 1.2-smell-poss *et-ijü-i* dtr-remove-pnct-cop 'Our bad smell does not come out soon'

'Nosso mal cheiro não sai logo'

(196) *itsatüe papa hõhõ ugikegü*

*i-ta*43*-tüe* 3-smell-imp.pl *papa* itj *hõho* emph *u-gike-gü* 1-smell-poss '"So, smell me!"' '"Então, cheire-me!"'

(197) *igia tühigüsi inatati*

*igia* like.this *tü-hi-gü-isi* refl-grandson.poss-mother *inata-ati* noose-ill

'Like this, (she extended her hand) to the nose of the grandchildren's mother (her daughter-in-law)' 'Desse jeito, (levou a mão) ao nariz da mãe dos netos (sua nora)'

*igia* like.this *ige* prox *tüi-lü* do-pnct *i-heke* 3-erg

'Like this, she did it' 'Desse jeito ela fez'

(199) *tühüseki isikegü*

*tühüseki* fetid *i-gike-gü*<sup>44</sup> 3-smell-poss

'Quite stinky, her smell' 'Bastante fétido, o cheiro dela'

<sup>(198)</sup> *igia ige tüilü iheke*

<sup>43</sup>The verbal root *ta* means all kind of perceptions through the senses, except for vision.

<sup>44</sup>After the high front vowel, at morphemic boundaries, the consonant /g/ is realized as [s] (Franchetto 1995).

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku

(200) *etelüko kigekeha kigekeha*

*e-te-lü-ko* 3-go-pnct-pl *kigeke=ha* let.go=ha *kigeke=ha* let.go=ha 'They went away, "Let's go! Let's go!"' 'Elas foram, "Vamos! Vamos!'

(201) *üle hata tülimo ugutega hõhõ iheke*

*üle* log *hata* when *tü-limo* refl-children *ugu-te-ga* flat.bread<sup>45</sup> -vblz-dur *hõhõ* emph *i-heke* 3-erg 'Meanwhile she was making cassava flat bread for her own children' 'Enquanto isso, ela estava fazendo beiju para os seus filhos'

(202) *ikuguko ẽgiki tatute tülimo ugutelü iheke*<sup>46</sup>

*iku-gu-ko* 3.beverage-poss *ẽgiki* each *tatute* all *tü-limo* refl-children *ugu-te-lü* flat.bread-vblz-pnct *i-heke* 3-erg 'She made beiju for the cassava beverage of each of her own chidren' 'Ela fez beiju para a bebida de mandioca de cada um dos seus filhos'

(203) *üle onhati leha kanga hutita iheke ese oku uguponga ese oku uguponga tülimo ẽgiki*<sup>47</sup>

*üle* log *onhati* inside.ill *leha* compl *kanga* fish *huti-ta* take-dur *i-heke* 3-erg *ese* 3.prox *oku* drink *ugupo-nga* on-all *ese* 3.prox *oku* drink *ugupo-nga* on-all *tü-limo* refl-children *ẽgiki* each

'Inside this (cassava flat bread), she was putting the fish, one by one, and (she was putting beiju) on top of the beverage of one, on top of the beverage of another, (for) each one of her own children' 'Ela colocou os peixes dentro do beiju, um por um, (e colocou beiju) sobre a bebida deste, sobre a bebida daquele, (para) cada um dos seus filhos'

(204) *lepene tü hüle ütelüko*

*lepene=tü* then=uncr *hüle* cntr *ü-te-lü-ko* 3-go-pnct-pl 'Then, however, they went' 'Depois disso, contudo, elas foram'

<sup>45</sup>*Ugu* refers to a specific food, the cassava flat bread, called "beiju" in Brazilian Portuguese.

<sup>46</sup>*Iku* refers to a beverage made with thin, dried cassava flatbread mixed with water.

<sup>47</sup>The root *huti* means 'take one out of a set'.

(205) *tülimo kangagü hutita letü iheke*

*tü-limo* refl-children *kanga-gü* fish-poss *huti-ta* take-dur *leha=tü* compl=uncr *i-heke* 3-erg 'She was taking the fish of her own children, one by one' 'Ela foi tirando os peixes dos seus filhos, um por um'

(206) *ese kangagü ese kangagü ese kangagü ese* 3.prox *kanga-gü* fish-poss *ese* 3.prox *kanga-gü* fish-poss *ese* 3.prox *kanga-gü* fish-poss 'The fish of this one, the fish of this one, the fish of this one' 'O peixe desse, o peixe desse, o peixe desse'

(207) *inkgatingalü letüha iheke egena inkgati-nga-lü* 3.share-hab-pnct *üle=tü=ha* log=uncr=ha *i-heke* 3-erg *egena* there.all 'In this way, she used to share (food) there (in the middle of the village)' 'Ela sempre compartilhava (alimentos) para lá (no meio da aldeia)'

(208) *tühigüsi kangagüingoha egei*

*tü-higü-isi* refl-grandson-mother *kanga-gü-ingo=ha* fish-poss-fut=ha *ege-i* dist-cop 'That will be the fish of the mother of her (the mother-in-law's) own grandchildren' 'Aquilo será o peixe da mãe dos seus (da sogra) netos'

(209) *nhigelüingoha nhingütelüingoha ina*

*i-ng-ige-lü-ingo=ha* 3-obj-take-pnct-fut=ha *i-ng-ingüte-lü-ingo=ha* 3-obj-go.down-pnct-fut=ha *ina* here.all

'That she (daughter-in-law) will take, that she will bring down here' 'Que ela (nora) levará, que ela trará aqui em baixo'

(210) *kigekeha nügü iheke*

*kigeke=ha nügü i-heke let.go=ha say 3-erg* '"Let's go!" she (the mother-in-law) said' '"Vamos!", ela (a sogra) disse'

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku

(211) *opü atsange elimo otomoko einhümingo opü*

*opü* itj *atsange* int *e-limo* 2-children *oto-mo-ko* master-coll-pl *ei-nhümingo* be-pnct.fut *opü* itj '"Pay attention! The parents of your children will stay like this"' '"Preste atenção! Os pais dos seus filhos vão ficar assim"'

(212) *lepe leha etelüko leha*

*üle-pe* log-ntm *leha* compl *e-te-lü-ko* 3-go-pnct-pl *leha* compl 'Then, they went away' 'Então, elas foram'

(213) *etelüko letü*

*e-te-lü-ko* 3-go-pnct-pl *leha=tü* compl=uncr 'They went away' 'Elas foram'

(214) *tüimapüani itsapügü itahiale leha*

*tü-ima-püa-ni* refl-path-ntm-pl *i-tapü-gü* 3-foot-poss *itahi-ale* delete-sim *leha* compl

'Along their former way (of coming), erasing their footprints' 'Por aquele que fora o seu caminho [de vinda], apagando as suas pegadas'

(215) *tanginhü ẽgipügati*<sup>48</sup>

*tanginhü* main.path *ẽgipügati* on.top.head 'On top of the head of the main path' 'No topo da cabeça do caminho principal'

(216) *aibeha ina ama humbugakainjü*

*aibe=ha ina ama humbugakaiN-jü*

con=ha here path be.head.down-pnct

'Here, the path turns upside down' 'Aqui o caminho fica de cabeça para baixo'

<sup>48</sup>'On top of the head of the main path' means: 'Just at the end of the main path'.

(217) *osiha inaha eitsüe*

*osi=ha* all.right=ha *ina=ha* her=ha *e-i-tsüe* 2-be-imp.pl '"All right, stay here!"' (the mother-in-law said to her daughter-in-law) '"Certo, fique aqui!"' (a sogra disse para a nora)

(218) *tütüki letüha inginügü iheke inatsüha ina leha kungongoguhonga*

*tütüki* slowly *üle=tü=ha* log=uncr=ha *ingi-nügü* 3.bring-pnct *i-heke* 3-erg *ina=tsü=ha* here=uncr=ha *ina* here *leha* 1.2-earth-poss-loc-all *ku-ngongo-gu-ho-nga*

'Very slowly, she was bringing her here on our land' 'Bem devagar, ela a trazia aqui na nossa terra'

(219) *aiha*

*aiha* done 'Done' 'Feito'

(220) *egetüeha egetüeha*

*ege-tüe=ha ege-tüe=ha*

can.go-imp.pl=ha can.go-imp.pl=ha

'"You can go, you can go!"' (the mother-in-law said to her daughter-in-law)

'"Você pode ir, pode ir!"' (a sogra disse para a nora)

(221) *kegetimükeĩtó atsange kegetimükeĩtó atsange*

*keg-et-imükeĩ-tó* proh-dtr-turn.face-proh *atsange* int *keg-et-imükeĩ-tó* proh-dtr-turn.face-proh *atsange* int '"Do not turn your face back, do not turn your face back!"' '"Não vire o rosto para trás, não vire o rosto para trás!"'

(222) *eitsamini geleha*

*e-i-tsa-mini* 2-be-dur-purp.pl *gele=ha* still=ha '"For you to stay alive"' '"Para você permanecer viva"'

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku

(223) *jatsitsü üngelei atsütaka atehe egei uitigi sinügü üngelei jatsitsü* poor *üngele-i* 3. *atsütaka* log-cop *atehe* ep *ege-i* because dist-cop *u-itigi* 1-fin *is-i-nügü* 3-come-pnct *üngele-i* 3.log-cop '"Poor thing! Because she is the only one who could come and get me, only she" (the woman, the daughter-in-law, was saying to herself)' '"Coitada! Porque só ela é quem poderia vir me buscar, só ela" (a mulher, a nora) falava para si mesma' (224) *luale utimükeĩtai luale* sorry *ut-imükeiN-tai* 1.dtr-turn.face-fut.im '"Sorry! I will turn my face back"' '"Desculpe! Eu vou virar meu rosto para trás"'

(225) *igiagage tetimükei uãhhhh etinhapehikilü*<sup>49</sup>

*igia=agage* like.this=same *t-et-imükeiN.* ptcp-dtr-face.turn.ptcp *uãhhhh* itj *et-inhapehiki-lü* 3.dtr-wave.hand-pnct 'When she (daugther-in-law) turned her face back, *uãhhhh*, the mother-in-law waved her open hand' 'Quando ela (a nora) olhou para trás, *uãhhhh*, a sogra acenou (para ela) com a mão aberta'

(226) *kegetimükeĩtó ukita titakegei*

*keg-et-imükeiN-to* proh-dtr-turn.face-proh *u-ki-ta* 1-say-dur *ti=taka=ege-i* cr=ep-dist-cop

'"Don't turn your face back! I really meant it" (the mother-in-law said)' '"Não vire seu rosto para trás! Eu eastava falando a verdade mesmo" (a sogra disse)'

<sup>49</sup>*Etinhapehikilü means* 'with the open hand'; with this gesture, the mother-in-law communicates to her daughter-in-law that she (the daughter-in-law) will die in five days time, after not many days, soon.

2 Kuikuro

(227) *isünkgülü aküngiduingo ale hegei*<sup>50</sup> *is-ünkgü-lü* 3.sleep-pnct *aküngiN-tu-ingo* quantity-nmlz-fut *ale=ha* ?=ha *ege-i* dist-cop 'This will be the number (of days) she was going to sleep' 'Este é o número (de dias) que ela iria dormir'

(228) *ülepeha ahütüha elimo uünko etsote elimo uünko itajotelüingola ehekeni üle-pe=ha* log-ntm=ha *ahütü=ha* neg=ha *e-limo* 2-children *uüN-ko* father-pl *e-tsote* come-when *e-limo* 2-children *uüN-ko* father-pl *itajote-lü-ingo-la* swear-pnct-fut-priv *e-heke-ni* 2-erg-pl

'"Later, when the father of your children comes, you can not swear at him" (the mother-in-law said)' '"Depois, quando o pai dos seus filhos vier, não poderá xingá-lo" (a sogra disse)'

(229) *itaginkgügikümingola nügü hõhõ i-heke itagi-nkgügi-kü-mingo-la* speech-hard-?-pnct.fut-priv *nügü* pnct *hõhõ* emph *iheke* 3-erg

'"Without you talking harshly," she (the mother-in-law) said to her' '"Sem falar duro", (a sogra) disse a ela'

(230) *üngele akatsange ekise tengalü heke hokugeũ hokugeũ hokugeũ itigiha üngele* 3.log *akatsange* int *ekise* 3.dist *te-nga-lü* go-hab-pnct *heke* erg *hokugeũ* pauraque *hokugeũ* pauraque *hokugeũ* pauraque *itigi=ha* 3.fin=ha '"It is he who always goes seeking (and saying): hokugeũ51, hokugeũ,

hokugeũ"'

'"É ele mesmo que sempre anda buscando (dizendo): "hokugeũ,hokugeũ, hokugeũ"'

<sup>50</sup>*Ájahi*, the story-teller, showed her open hand to mean the number five: the daughter-in-law, the living one, will die in a few days: her destiny is sealed.

<sup>51</sup>*Anha* (the dead) may return to the living, announcing himself, behind the houses, as a common pauraque bird (*Nyctidromus albicollis*) . It has a brownish and greyish plumage, and its singing sounds like a piercing scream, and is repeated in regular intervals for hours after dusk. *hokugeũ*, his name in Kuikuro, is an onomatopoeic noun; this is an ominous sign.

(231) *aitüha isinügü kohotsi*

*ai=tü=ha* então=uncr=ha *is-i-nügü* 3-come-pnct *kohotsi* late.afternoon 'So, she (the living daugther-in-law) came (to the village) in the late afternoon' 'Então, ela (a viva) chegou (na aldeia) no final da tarde'

(232) *ingitühügüko atai leha kohotsi ko ko hokugeũ*

*ingi-tühügü-ko* 3.bring-prf-pl *atai* when *leha* compl *kohotsi* late.afternoon *ko* ko *ko* ko *hokugeũ* pauraque 'When it had already been brought, in the late afternoon, pauraque (sang) "*ko ko*"' 'Quando ela já tinha sido trazida, no final da tarde, bacurau (cantou) "*ko ko*"'


2-wife-poss

'"Your wife (has) half an ass (one buttock), your wife has half (one) breast"'

'"A sua esposa (tem) meia (uma) nádega, sua esposa (tem) meia (uma) teta"'

2 Kuikuro

(235) *mbüu itsuhünkginügü*<sup>52</sup> *leha etelü leha mbüu* ideo *itsu-hüN-ki-nügü* sound-emit-vblz-pnct *leha* compl *e-te-lü* 3-go-pnct *leha* compl '*mbüu*, he stopped making the sound (of a pauraque) and went away' '*mbüu*, ele parou de emitir som (como bacurau) e foi embora'

(236) *lepetü tüti ilüinha leha*

*üle-pe-tü* log-ntm-uncr *tüti* refl.mother *i-lü-inha* fight-pnct-dat *leha* compl 'Shortly after, he (the dead husband) (arrived) to fight with his own mother' 'Logo depois, ele (o morto) (chegou) para brigar com a sua própria mãe'

(237) *ehigüsi ingitühügü itsagü nika uãke*<sup>53</sup> *eheke egei*

*e-hi-gü-isi* 2-grandson-poss-mother *ingi-tühügü* bring-prf *i-tsagü* 3.be-dur *nika* ep *uãke* time.ago *e-heke* 2-erg *ege-i* dist-cop

'"Did you really bring the mother of your grandchildren?" (the dead man said)'

'"Você trouxe mesmo a mãe dos seus netos?" (o morto disse)'

(238) *uhupüngekela*<sup>54</sup> *hüle egei uãke tisitsagü*

*uhu-püngekela* know-? *hüle* adv *ege-i* dist-cop *uãke* time.ago *tis-i-tsagü* 1.3-be-dur

'"We had realized this (the coming of the living woman)"' '"Nós tínhamos percebido isso (a vinda da mulher viva)"'

<sup>52</sup>*Mbüu* is an ideophone, whose meaning is a sudden and abrupt interruption of some event or action. The verbal stem *itsu-hüN-ki-* is formed by the roots *itsu* (sound vocalized by nonhumans and some musical instruments), and *hüN* 'emit', and by the verbalizer *ki* 'take off, stop'.

<sup>53</sup>*Uãke*, in this line and in the following ones, is an adverb with temporal and epistemic values: it determines the interpretation of the event/action as having occurred before the speech time (past tense), and has an epistemic value of strong authority.

<sup>54</sup>We could not segment what follows the root *uhu*.

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku


*tüti* refl.mother *i-lü* fight-pnct *leha* compl *i-heke* 3-erg 'He fought with his own mother' 'Ele brigou com a sua própria mãe'

(244) *ülepe leha isiko enhügü gehale*

*üle-pe* log-ntm *leha* compl *isi-ko* 3.mother-pl *e-nhügü* come-pnct *gehale* again 'After this, their mother (deceased) came again (to the village of the daughter-in-law)' 'Depois disso, a mãe deles voltou de novo (à aldeia da nora)'


*u-ki-ta* 1-say-dur *heke* erg *ande* here *akatsange* int *u-e-tsagü* 1-come-dur *nügü* pnct *i-heke* 3-erg *ande* here *akatsange* int *uetsagü* 1-come-dur *nügü* pnct *iheke* 3-erg

'"I'm saying that I really came here" she said to her (the daughter-in-law) "I came here" she said to her' '"Estou dizendo que eu vim mesmo aqui", ela disse para ela (para a nora), "eu vim mesmo aqui", ela disse para ela'

(247) *tütomima elimo uünko itaginkgugita ehekeni*

*tü-tomi=ma* q-purp=dub *e-limo* 2-children *uüN-ko* father-pl *itaginkgugi-ta* speak.hard-dur *e-heke-ni* 2-erg-pl

'"Why were you speaking harshly to the father of your children?"' '"Por que você falou duro para o pai dos seus filhos?"

(248) *uita takege ihekeni leha uitagü eigepügüko hinhe*

*u-i-ta* 1-fight-dur *takege* ep *i-heke-ni* 3-erg-pl *leha* compl *u-i-tagü* 2-fight-dur *e-ige-pügü-ko=hinhe* 2-take-prf-pl=npurp '"They are fighting (with me), fighting (with me), because I took you (to the village of dead)"'

'"Eles estão brigando comigo, brigando, por que eu levei você (para a aldeia dos mortos)"'

(249) *isakisüpeko ihataleha egea leha ihata leha iheke*

*is-aki-sü-pe-ko* 3-word-poss-ntm-pl *iha-ta=leha* tell-dur=compl *egea* like.this *leha* compl *iha-ta* tell-dur *leha* compl *i-heke*

3-erg

'She was reporting their words, she was telling in this way' 'Ela estava relatando as palavras deles, contando assim'

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku

(250) *ukipügüa leha ihata leha iheke*

*u-ki-pügü-a* 2-say-prf-like.this *leha* compl *iha-ta* tell-dur *leha* compl *i-heke* 3-erg 'The way I said it, she was telling (to the daughter-in-law)' 'Do jeito que eu falei, ela estava contando (para a nora)'

(251) *tumukugu akisüpe ihata leha iheke*

*tu-muku-gu* refl--son-poss *aki-sü-pe* word-poss-ntm *iha-ta* tell-dur *leha* compl *i-heke* 3-erg 'She was reporting the words of her son' 'Ela estava relatando as palavras do filho'

(252) *ami atsange isitote ketitaginkgugito*

*ami* other.day *atsange* int *is-i-tote* 3-come-when *ket-itaginkgugi-tó* proh-speak.hard-proh '"The next time he comes, do not talk harshly with him!"'

'"Da próxima vez que ele vier, não fale duro com ele!"'

(253) *ami ami akatsange eitigini leha isinümingo tükotui tükotui*

*ami* other.day *ami* other.day *akatsange* int *e-itigi-ni* 2-fin-pl *leha* compl *is-i-nümi-ingo* 3-come-pnct-fut *tü-kotu-i* refl-angry-cop *tü-kotu-i* refl-angry-cop

'"Next time, next time, he will come get you angry, angry"' '"Na próxima vez, na próxima vez, ele virá buscar você com raiva, com raiva"'

(254) *ehe lepei igei igei isünkgülü hata isünkgülü hata*

*ehe* aff *üle-pe-i* log-ntm-cop *ige-i* prox-cop *ige-i* prox-cop *is-ünkgü-lü* 3-sleep-pnct *hata* when *is-ünkgü-lü* 3-sleep-pnct *hata*

when

'Yes, then, she (the living woman) slept like this, she slept like this'<sup>55</sup> 'Sim, então, ela (a viva) dormiu assim, dormiu assim'

<sup>55</sup>*Igei* ('it is this'): *Ájahi* is showing her open hand to mean five days (or nights).

(255) *teti t-e-ti* ptcp-come-ptcp '(The dead husband) came' '(O esposo morto) veio'

(256) *kü kü hokugeũ etekebeha tüki nigei enhalü igei tüki nigei enhalü kü* ontp *kü* ontp *hokugeũ* pauraque *e-te-ke=be=ha* 2-go-imp=ep=ha *tü-ki* q-ins *nile-ige-i* ep-prox-cop *e-nha-lü* arrive-hab-pnct *igei* prox-cop *tü-ki* q-ins *nige-i* ep-prox-cop *e-nha-lü* arrive-hab-pnct 'The pauraque *kü kü* (sang). "Go away! Why do you always come? Why do you always come?" (the living woman said)' 'O bacurau *kü kü* (cantou). "Vá embora! Por que você sempre vem? Por que você sempre vem?" (a esposa viva disse)'

(257) *tüki tü-ki* q-ins

'"Why?"' '"Por quê?"'


*heino-ngo* half-nmlz *i-hu-gu* 3-buttock-poss

'"(And) just one buttock"'

'"(E) só uma nádega"'

### B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku

(260) *tüendi tsürürü gitsitoho*<sup>56</sup> *atati uẽtigi leha tü-eN-ti* ptcp-enter-ptcp *tsürürü* ideo *gitsi-toho* urinate-insnr *atati* ill *uẽ-tigi* wait-fin *leha* compl 'He (the dead) entered: *tsürürü!* the place where people urinate, to wait' 'Ele (o morto) entrou *tsürürü!* no lugar onde se urina, para esperar'

(261) *lepe leha itsagü leha*

*üle-pe* log-ntm *leha* compl *i-tsagü* 3-erg *leha* compl 'Then, he stayed (there)' 'Aí, ele ficou (lá)'

(262) *koko bela leha kahugutilü leha koko tsitsi leha*

*koko=bela* night=ep *leha* compl *k-ahuguti-lü* 1.2-get.dark-pnct *leha* compl *koko* night *tsitsi* dim *leha* compl 'Already at dusk, in the early evening' 'Já de noite, anoiteceu, no começo da noite'

(263) *tütikaĩsitü gitsitoho atati tügitsilüinha*

*tü-tikaiN-si=tü* ptcp-get.up-ptcp=uncr *gitsi-toho* urinate-insnmlz *atati* ill *tü-gitsi-lü-inha* refl-urinate-pnct-dat 'Having got up, to go to the place to urinate ' 'Tendo ela se levantado, para ir ao local de urinar'

(264) *isitsilü hata tük titsimbe eke atati leha inhügü*

*i-gitsi-lü* 3-urinate-pnct *hata* when *tük* ideo *t-itsi=mbe* ptcp-bite.ptcp=ep *eke* snake *atati* ill *leha* compl *i-nhügü* be-pnct

'While she was urinating, *tük*! he had turned into a snake and he bit her' 'Enquanto ela estava urinando, *tük*! transformado em cobra ele a mordeu'

<sup>56</sup>*Gitsi-toho*, 'made for urinating': in the old days, there were bits of bamboo inside the house, into which people urinated. The dead husband has already turned into a snake and hides in the old urinal.

2 Kuikuro

(265) *eke tük ige kaenga itsilü iheke*

*eke* snake *tük* ideo *ige* prox *kae-nga* loc-all *itsi-lü* 3.bite-pnct *i-heke* 3-erg

'As a snake, he bit her here' (*Ájahi* shows the place) 'Como cobra, ele a mordeu aqui' (*Ájahi* mostra o local)

(266) *hum pok pok pok*<sup>57</sup> *aletüha etelü leha*

*hum* ideo *pok* ideo *pok* ideo *pok* ideo *ale=tü=ha* sim=uncr=ha *e-te-lü* 3-go-pnct *leha* compl '"*Hum*," *pok pok pok*, she screamed and convulsed' '"*Hum*", *pok pok pok*, ela gritou e ficou se debatendo'

(267) *pok pok pok pok tük isotütitagü leha tütükibeletü apüngü leha apüngü pok* ideo *pok* ideo *pok* ideo *pok* ideo *tük* ideo *is-otüti-tagü* 3-convulse-dur *leha* compl *tütüki=bele=tü* slowly=ep=uncr *apüngü* 3.die.pnct *leha* compl *apüngü* 3.die.pnct

'She was convulsing, and she died, she died slowly' 'Ficou tendo convulsões, aos poucos foi morrendo'

(268) *itigi hegei inhotelü itigi*

*i-tigi=ha* 3-fin=ha *ege-i* dist-cop *i-nho* 3-husband *te-lü* go-pnct *itigi* 3.fin 'The husband went to get her' 'O esposo foi buscá-la'

(269) *aiha*<sup>58</sup>

*aiha* done 'Ready' 'Pronto'

<sup>57</sup>The ideophones transcribed as *hum* and as *pok* (repeated, iterative) is the cry of the woman and her spasms, respectively.

<sup>58</sup>The last four lines contain the formulas that every good storyteller must use to close her narrative: *áiha* ('ready/done'); *upügüha egei* ('that was the last/the end'); *uitsojigü*, an untranslatable word that the storytellers say use to frighten away sleep, since the listener would be in a state of sleep/dreaming, from which he must awaken.

(270) *ai akatsange ai* ready *akatsange* int 'Truly ready' 'Pronto mesmo'

(271) *upügü hegei*

*upügü=ha* last=ha *ege-i* dist-cop 'That was the end' 'Aquilo foi o final'

(272) *uitsojigü nika kitse uitsojigü* uitsojigü *nika* ep *ki-tse* say-imp 'Say: *uitsojigü*!' 'Diga: *uitsojigü*!'

### **Acknowledgments**

Our first debt is to the Kuikuro for their commitment, generosity and longstanding hospitality. The following Brazilian institutions have been a fundamental support for conducting research among the Kuikuro since 1976: Fundação Nacional de Apoio ao Índio (FUNAI), Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq), Museu Nacional (Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro). The DoBeS Program financed the Project for the Documentation of the Upper Xingu Carib Language or Kuikuro from 2001 to 2005. We would also like to thank Gustavo Godoy for his technical expertise and suggestions, to Kristine Stenzel for her many and wise revisions, and to Luiz Costa for the English translation of the Introduction.

### **Non-standard abbreviations**


### **References**

Agostinho, Pedro. 1974. *Kwarìp: Mito e ritual no Alto Xingu*. São Paulo: EDUSP.


B. Franchetto, C. Fausto, Ájahi Kuikuro & Jamalui Kuikuro Mehinaku


2 Kuikuro

(Graduate Linguistics Student Association), Department of Linguistics, University of Massachussets.


### **Chapter 3**

## **Kalapalo**

Antonio Guerreiro University of Campinas, Brazil

Ageu Kalapalo

Jeika Kalapalo

Ugise Kalapalo

### **1 Introduction**

Kalapalo is a dialectal variaton of the Upper Xingu Carib Language. The narrative presented in this chapter is around 12 minutes long and was recorded in 2010, with seventy-year-old *Ageu Kalapalo*. He tells us how a man named *Kamagisa*<sup>1</sup> married a Snake Woman and learned from his father-in-law a suite of songs of the Xinguan mortuary ritual (*egitsü*, broadly known as "Quarup"). When *Kamagisa* decided to move permanently to his wife's village, he performed a ritual for himself and taught the songs to another human singer. The events take place in *Hagagikugu*, an important historical site for the Kalapalo and Nahukua peoples. *Ageu* also explains how these same events are reflected in verses sung in Kamayurá, a Tupi-Guarani language (Tupian), an example of the inter-relatedness of history, narratives and music in the Xinguan multiethnic and multilingual network.

The Kalapalo are a Carib-speaking people who live in the southern region of the Xingu Indigenous Land, in northern Mato Grosso, Brazil. They are a population of over 700 people living in ten villages, but most of them are concentrated in

<sup>1</sup>*Ageu* calls him *Kamagisa*, but most people insist the character's correct name would be *Kumagisa*. We have decided to keep *Ageu*'s original pronunciation.

### A. Guerreiro, Ageu Kalapalo, Jeika Kalapalo & Ugise Kalapalo

*Aiha* (their oldest and biggest village, with more than 270 people) and *Tankgugu*. Alongside the pressures they've been suffering from farming, illegal fishing and logging, as well as from the Brazilian government, the Kalapalo have been able to maintain their lifestyle, with their narratives (*akinha*) playing a very important part. As some say, *akinha* are neither "myths" nor "stories", but actual *history*: they tell about events that made the world the way it is today.

Figure 1: Upper Xingu villages, southern area of the Xingu Indigenous Land

The telling of *akinha* is a complex verbal art, and also a highly valued knowledge. Only a few people can be considered true "masters (or owners) of stories" (*akinha oto*). To be so, one must learn them from good storytellers, and tell them "beautifully" to others. A good story-telling involves several abilities, such as keeping a regular rhythm, making good use of parallelism to call the audience's attention to events or characters (Franchetto 2003), and giving details that make the listener actually "see" what is being told. The combination of these stylistic features may induce the listeners (especially children and younger people) into an almost dreamlike state, from which they must be "awakened" after an *akinha* ends so they do not get sleepy, lazy, or — what would be even worse — they do not keep thinking about the spirit-beings of which they might have heard, since it could cause them to be attacked by these dangerous beings.

### 3 Kalapalo

*Kamagisa's* narrative brings together several issues of Xinguan thought: the problem of mortality; the possibility of metamorphosis of humans into spiritbeings, and vice-versa; the details demanded by ritual communication and action; and the multilingual character intrinsic to Xinguan life. Perhaps all these issues could be thought of as versions of an all-encompassing one: the problem of communication (and, thus, of *translation*) that imposes itself on the relations between different kinds of people, such as consanguines and affines, humans and non-humans, the living and the dead, fellow villagers and foreigners, etc.

The narrative was transcribed, translated, and analyzed using ELAN, with the help of *Jeika* and *Ugise Kalapalo*. The narrative is phonetically transcribed in the first line, and morphologically segmented in the second one. The third line presents the glosses, and the last two contain free translations in English and Portuguese. The transcription, morphological segmentation, and most glosses follow the works of Bruna Franchetto (1986; 2002; 2003), Ellen Basso (2012), Mara dos Santos (2007), Mutua Mehinaku (2010), and Aline Varela Rabello (2013). We thank Bruna Franchetto for her continuous help with the Kalapalo language.

Let's now follow *Kamagisa* on his unexpected journey to the world of the spirits.

### **2** *Kamagisa etsutühügü*

### **'***Kamagisa* **sang for the first time' '***Kamagisa* **cantou pela primeira vez'**<sup>2</sup>

(1) *ihaü̃heke onta*

*i-haü̃* 3-cousin *heke* erg *on-ta* repudiate-dur 'His cousin was repudiating him.' 'A prima dele o estava rejeitando.'

(2) *indzahatohoi indzahatohoi itsa i-ndzaha-toho-i* 3-fiancée-ins-cop *i-ndzaha-toho-i* 3-fiancée-ins-cop *i-tsa* to.be-dur 'His fiancée, she was his fiancée.' 'Sua noiva, ela era sua noiva.'

<sup>2</sup>Recordings of this story are available from https://zenodo.org/record/997435

### A. Guerreiro, Ageu Kalapalo, Jeika Kalapalo & Ugise Kalapalo

(3) *ah indisüi ijogu indisü*

*ah* expl *0-indi-sü-i* 3-daughter-poss-cop *i-jo-gu* 3-mother's.brother-poss *0-indi-sü* 3-daughter-poss 'Ah, she was his daughter, his mother's brother's daughter.' 'Ah, ela era filha dele, filha do irmão de sua mãe.'

### (4) *Kamagisa haü̃ha ihaü̃*

*Kamagisa* Kamagisa *haü̃-ha* cousin-ha<sup>3</sup> *i-haü̃* 3-cousin '*Kamagisa's* own cousin, his cousin.' 'A própria prima de *Kamagisa*, sua prima.'

(5) *ülepe hale egei*

*üle-pe* log-ntm *hale* cntr *ege-i* dist-cop 'Because of that …' 'Por causa disso …'

(6) *onta leha iheke tsuẽ ekugu onta iheke*

*on-ta* repudiate-dur *leha* compl *i-heke* 3-erg *tsuẽ* a.lot *ekugu* true *on-ta* repudiate-dur *i-heke* 3-erg 'She was repudiating him, she was truely repudiating him a lot.' 'Ela o estava rejeitando, ela o estava rejeitando demais.'

(7) *ihitsü heke*

*i-hitsü* 3-wife *heke* erg 'His wife did it.' 'Sua esposa o fez.'

<sup>3</sup> Please see Franchetto's introduction to chapter 2 for discussion of the ha particle, found in both Kuikuro and Kalapalo.


(10) *onta leha iheke leha*

*on-ta* repudiate-dur *leha* compl *i-heke* 3-erg *leha* compl 'She would readily repudiate him.' 'Ela prontamente o rejeitava.'


(14) *üle ineke hale egei*

*üle* log *ineke* purp *hale* cntr *ege-i* dist-cop 'Because that made him sad …' 'Porque aquilo o deixou triste …'

(15) *üle ineke hale egei tingunkgingu ineke Kakakugu heke sijatitselü eke heke beha*

*üle* log *ineke* purp *hale* cntr *ege-i* dist-cop *t-ingunkgingu* refl-thought *ineke* purp *Kakakugu* Kakakugu *heke* erg *s-ijati-tse-lü* 3-offer-vblz-pnct *eke* snake *heke* erg *be-ha* aug-ha

'… because that made him sad, because his thoughts made him sad, *Kakakugu* made him an offer, a big snake did so.'

'… porque aquilo o deixou triste, porque seus pensamentos o deixaram triste, *Kakakugu* fez uma oferta a ele, uma grande cobra o fez.'

(16) *eke helei Kakakugui*

*eke* snake *h-ele-i* ha-3.dist-cop *Kakakugu-i* Kakakugu-cop 'He is a snake, *Kakakugu*.' 'Ele é uma cobra, *Kakakugu*.'

(17) *ahütü kuge hüngü*

*ahütü* neg *kuge* human *hüngü* neg 'He is not human.' 'Ele não é humano.'

(18) *itseke beja*

*itseke* spirit *beja* ep 'A spirit, indeed.' 'Um espírito, de fato.'


(25) *suü̃ha tetinhü inha*

*s-uü̃-ha* 3-father-ha *t-e-ti-nhü* refl-come-ptcp-nanmlz *0-inha* 3-to 'Her father is the one who came to him.' 'O pai dela é quem veio até ele.'

(26) *suü̃enügü*

*s-uü̃* 3-father *e-nügü* come-pnct 'Her father came.' 'O pai dela veio.'

(27) *ülepe*

*üle-pe* log-ntm 'Then …' 'Então …'

(28) *aiha*

*aiha* done '… done.' '… pronto.'

(29) *ingilabe lahale ingila itseke hisuü̃gü gele ukenübata egei*

*ingila-be* before-aug *lahale* cntr *ingila* before *itseke* spirit *hisuü̃-gü* kin-poss *gele* adv *uk-enü-bata* du-stay-temp *ege-i* dist-cop 'This was a long time ago, when we were still kin to the spirits.' 'Isso foi há muito tempo atrás, quando nós ainda éramos parentes dos espíritos.'

(30) *ülepe*

*üle-pe* log-ntm 'Then …' 'Então …'


*ẽ* aff *t-indi-sü* refl-daughter-poss *inha* to 'Yes, to his daughter.' 'Sim, para sua filha.'

(35) *ülepe*

*üle-pe* log-ntm 'Then …' 'Então …'

(36) *aiha*

*aiha*

done


*eke* snake *atühügü* become *kuge-i* human-cop *leha* compl 'The snake had already become a person.' 'A cobra já havia se tornado uma pessoa.'


(43) *üngele kilüha üngele* 3.log *ki-lü-ha* say-pnct-ha 'That one said so.' 'Aquele é quem disse isso.'


'Parece que a casa dele é uma pequena palmeira do cerrado chamada *ngukuagi*, que fica desse jeito em cima de um morrinho.'

(49) *uge uü̃pe kita ũãke*

*uge* 1 *uü̃-pe* father-ntm *ki-ta* say-dur *ũãke* ev.pst 'My deceased father used to say:' 'Meu finado pai costumava dizer:'


*iN-üngü* 3-house *h-egei-i* ha-dist-cop 'That's his house.' 'Aquela é a casa dele.'


*üle* log *huja-ti* midst-all 'Into the middle of that …' 'Para o meio daquilo …'

(54) *ah etelü leha*

*ah* expl *e-te-lü* 3-go-pnct *leha* compl '… ah, he readily went!' '… ah, ele foi prontamente!'

(55) *ngukuagi*

*ngukuagi* cerrado.palm 'Into the small *cerrado* palm.' 'Para dentro da pequena palmeira do cerrado.'

(56) *ẽ inhüngü hegei Kakakugu*

*ẽ* aff *iN-üngü* 3-home *h-egei-i* ha-dist-cop *Kakakugu* Kakakugu 'Yes, that's his house, *Kakakugu's* house.' 'Sim, aquela é a casa dele, a casa de *Kakakugu*.'

(57) *ülepe*

*üle-pe* log-ntm 'Then …' 'Então …'

(58) *aiha*

*aiha* done '… done'

'… pronto'

(59) *ah tindisü tuponga leha ijatelü leha iheke*

*ah* expl *t-indi-sü* refl-daughter-poss *t-upo-nga* refl-above-all *leha* compl *ija-te-lü* hammock's.rope-vblz-pnct *leha* compl *i-heke* 3-erg 'Ah, he then tied his hammock just over his daughter's.' 'Ah, então ele amarrou sua rede logo acima da de sua filha.'

### A. Guerreiro, Ageu Kalapalo, Jeika Kalapalo & Ugise Kalapalo


*s-anga-gü-be* 3-genipapo-poss-aug *teh* itj *ah* expl *s-anga-te-pügü* 3-genipapo-vblz-pfv 'She had a great *genipapo* painting - wow! - she was painted with *genipapo*.'<sup>4</sup> 'Ela tinha uma linda pintura de jenipapo - uau! - ela estava pintada com jenipapo.'

(62) *indisüha*

*0-indi-sü-ha* 3-daughter-poss-ha 'His daughter was.' 'A filha dele estava.'

(63) *indisü angatepügü*

*0-indi-sü* 3-daughter-poss *anga-te-pügü* genipapo-vblz-pfv 'His daughter was painted with *genipapo*.' 'A filha dele estava pintada com jenipapo.'

(64) *ülepe leha*

*üle-pe* log-ntm *leha* compl 'Just after that …' 'Logo depois disso …'

<sup>4</sup>*Genipapo* is the fruit of the *Genipa americana* tree. The Kalapalo extract from it a clear liquid used for skin painting, as well as for decorating ceramics and wooden benches. After the liquid oxidizes, it turns black, and may stay on the skin for several days. The liquid may be mixed with charcoal soot to make the painting even darker.

(65) *ah ihitsüi leha itsa leha ah* expl *i-hitsü* 3-wife *leha* compl *i-tsa* to.be-dur *leha* compl '… ah, she was already his wife.' '… ah, ela já era sua esposa.'

(66) *ihitsüi leha i-hitsü-i* 3-wife-cop *leha* compl 'Already his wife.' 'Já era sua esposa.'

(67) *ihitsüi leha itsa leha i-hitsü-i* 3-wife-cop *leha* compl *i-tsa* to.be-dur *leha* compl 'She was already his wife.' 'Ela já era sua esposa.'

(68) *aiha*

*aiha* done 'Done.' 'Pronto.'

(69) *ingati beja inhalü ikungalü leha iheke leha*

*ingati* lie.together *beja* ep *i-nha-lü* to.be-hab-pnct *iku-nga-lü* to.have.sex-hab-pnct *leha* compl *i-heke* 3-erg *leha* compl

'He always lay with her in his hammock, and he always had sex with her.'

'Ele sempre se deitava com ela em sua rede, e ele sempre fazia sexo com ela.'

(70) *ikungalü beja iheke leha*

*iku-nga-lü* to.have.sex-hab-pnct *beja* ep *i-heke* 3-erg *leha* compl 'He always really had sex with her.' 'Ele realmente sempre fazia sexo com ela.'

(71) *ah ngikona tüilü iheke*

*ah* expl *ngiko-na* thing-ep *t-üi-lü* refl-make-pnct *i-heke* 3-erg 'Ah, who knows how he did it …' 'Ah, quem sabe como ele fazia isso …'

(72) *aiha*

*aiha* done 'Done.' 'Pronto.'

(73) *sakihata iheke tita gisüki*

*s-aki-ha-ta* 3-word-vblz-dur *i-heke* 3-erg *tita* mortuary.effigy *gi-sü-ki* song-poss-ins 'He was teaching him … with songs of mortuary effigies.' 'Ele o estava ensinando … com cantos de efígies mortuárias.'

(74) *tita gisüki*

*tita* mortuary.effigy *gi-sü-ki* song-poss-ins 'Songs of mortuary effigies.' 'Cantos de efígies mortuárias.'

(75) *tita gisüki ah sakihata iheke*

*tita* mortuary.effigy *gi-sü-ki* song-poss-ins *ah* expl *s-aki-ha-ta* 3-word-vblz-dur *i-heke* 3-erg 'With songs of mortuary effigies… ah, he was teaching him.' 'Com cantos de efígies mortuárias… ah, ele o estava ensinando.'


*aki-ha-ta* word-vblz-dur *i-heke* 3-erg 'He was teaching.' 'Ele estava ensinando.'

(79) *akihata iheke*

*aki-ha-ta* word-vblz-dur *i-heke* 3-erg 'He was teaching.' 'Ele estava ensinando.'

(80) *etelü hõhõ tüti inha*

*e-te-lü* 3-go-pnct *hõhõ* emph *tü-ti* refl-mother *inha* dat 'He went to visit his mother for a while.' 'Ele foi visitar sua mãe por um tempo.'

(81) *tüti inha hõhõ sinügü Kamagisa enügü tü-ti* refl-mother *inha* dat *hõhõ* emph *s-i-nügü* 3-come-pnct *Kamagisa* Kamagisa *e-nügü* come-pnct '*Kamagisa* came to visit his mother for a while.' '*Kamagisa* veio visitar sua mãe por um tempo.'

(82) *tüti inha*

*tü-ti* refl-mother *inha* dat 'To his mother.' 'Até sua mãe.'

(83) *ihitsü ike leha*

*i-hitsü* 3-wife *ike* with *leha* compl 'With his wife.' 'Com sua esposa.'

(84) *ihitsü*

*i-hitsü* 3-wife 'His wife.' 'Sua esposa.'

(85) *tünho akuã leha teta leha*

*tü-nho* refl-husband *akuã* shadow *leha* compl *te-ta* go-dur *leha* compl 'She was walking right behind her husband, like his shadow.' 'Ela ia andando logo atrás de seu marido, como sua sombra.'

(86) *inde giti atani etimbelüko*

*inde* here *giti* sun *atani* temp *et-imbe-lü-ko* 3.dtr-arrive-pnct-pl 'When the sun was here, they arrived.' 'Quando o sol estava nessa posição, eles chegaram.'

(87) *etimbelüko*

*et-imbe-lü-ko* 3.dtr-arrive-pnct-pl 'They arrived.' 'Eles chegaram.'


*t-etu-na* refl-village-all *beja* ep 'To his own village, indeed.' 'Para sua própria aldeia, de fato.'

(91) *Kamagisa etu leha*

*Kamagisa* Kamagisa *etu* village *leha* compl 'They were already at *Kamagisa's* village.' 'Eles já estavam na aldeia de *Kamagisa*.'

(92) *Kamagisa etuna etimbelüko*

*Kamagisa* Kamagisa *etu-na* village-all *et-imbe-lü-ko* 3.dtr-come-pnct-pl 'They arrived at *Kamagisa's* village.' 'Eles chegaram na aldeia de *Kamagisa*.'

(93) *atibe Kamagisa enta nügü iheke atibe* itj *Kamagisa* Kamagisa *e-nta* come-dur *nügü* pnct *i-heke* 3-erg '"There he comes, *Kamagisa*," they said.' '"Lá vem ele, *Kamagisa*," disseram.'

### A. Guerreiro, Ageu Kalapalo, Jeika Kalapalo & Ugise Kalapalo


*uende-ha* there-ha *ike* 3.with *e-te-ta* 3-go-dur 'But she was there, she was going with him.' 'Mas ela estava lá, ela estava andando com ele.'

(97) *ike eteta*

*ike* 3.with *e-te-ta* 3-go-dur 'She was going with him.' 'Ela estava andando com ele.'

(98) *ihitsü tetaha*

*i-hitsü* 3-wife *te-ta-ha* go-pnct-ha 'His wife was going.' 'Sua esposa estava andando.'

(99) *ülepe*

*üle-pe* log-ntm 'Then …' 'Então …' (100) *etimbelüko et-imbe-lü-ko* 3.dtr-arrive-pnct-pl '… they arrived.' '… eles chegaram.'

(101) *ahametigüko akongo aketsugei nügü iheke tingajomo heke*

*a-hameti-gü-ko* 2-sister.in.law-poss-pl *ako-ngo* with-nmlz *akets=uge-i* ev=1-cop *nügü* pnct *i-heke* 3-erg *t-ingajomo* refl-sisters *heke*

erg

'"I'm in the company of your sister-in-law," he said to his sisters.' '"Eu estou acompanhado de sua cunhada," ele disse para suas irmãs.'

(102) *ahametigüko akongo aketsugei*

*a-hameti-gü-ko* 2-sister.in.law-poss-pl *ako-ngo* with-nmlz *akets=uge-i* ev=1-cop '"I'm in the company of your sister-in-law."' '"Eu estou acompanhado de sua cunhada."'


*ẽ* aff *uhitseke* in.vain *gele-ha* adv-ha '"Ok," they said in vain.' '"Tudo bem," elas disseram à toa.'

(105) *amago nika nügü ngapa iheke amago* 2pl *nika* ep *nügü* pnct *ngapa* ep *i-heke* 3-erg '"Are you really here?" they may have said.' '"Você está mesmo aí?" talvez elas tenham dito.'


'Pronto.'

(112) *ah tihü hakilü hale iheke*

*ah* expl *t-ihü* refl-body *haki-lü* reveal-pnct *hale* cntr *i-heke* 3-erg 'Ah, and then she revealed her body.' 'Ah, e então ela revelou seu corpo.'


'Hm, ela apareceu.'

(115) *atsakilü leha*

*a-tsaki-lü* 3-appear-pnct *leha* compl 'She appeared.' 'Ela apareceu.'

(116) *kogetsi*

*kogetsi* tomorrow 'The next day …' 'No dia seguinte …'

(117) *etinga inhalüko unditü ukugahipügü*

*etinga* lie.on.hammock *i-nha-lü-ko* be-hab-pnct-pl *unditü* long.hair *ukugahi-pügü* hang.dowards-pfv 'When they lay down together, her hair was hanging downwards.' 'Quando eles se deitaram juntos, o cabelo dela estava pendurado em direção ao chão.'

### A. Guerreiro, Ageu Kalapalo, Jeika Kalapalo & Ugise Kalapalo


*i-hameti-jaõ* 3-sister.in.law-pl 'Her sisters-in-law.' 'Suas cunhadas.'

(120) *aiha*

*aiha* done 'Done.' 'Pronto.'

### (121) *ülepe sinünkgo leha tetuna beha*

*üle-pe* log-ntm *s-i-nü-nkgo* 3-come-pnct-pl *leha* compl *t-etu-na* refl-village-all *beha* ev 'Then, they came back to their village.' 'Então, eles voltaram para sua aldeia.'

(122) *tseta leha ihütisoho heke sakihata*

*tseta* there *leha* compl *i-hüti-soho* 3-shame-ins *heke* erg *s-aki-ha-ta* 3-word-vblz-dur 'There, his father-in-law was teaching him.' 'Lá, seu sogro o estava ensinando.'

(123) *igeki beha*

*ige-ki* prox-ins *beha* ev 'About this.' 'Sobre isso.'

(124) *tita gisüki*

*tita* mortuary.effigy *gi-sü-ki* song-poss-ins 'About the songs of mortuary effigies.' 'Sobre os cantos de efígies mortuárias.'

(125) *tita gisüki*

*tita* mortuary.effigy *gisü-ki* song-poss-ins 'About the songs of mortuary effigies.' 'Sobre os cantos de efígies mortuárias.'


(130) *ihütisoho kilü i-hüti-soho* 3-shame-ins *ki-lü* say-pnct 'His father-in-law said.' 'Seu sogro disse.'


(136) *atütüi beja itsalü leha iheke leha atütü-i* beautiful-cop *beja* ep *i-tsa-lü* 3-hear-pnct *leha* compl *i-heke* 3-erg *leha* compl 'He had already listened to it really well.' 'Ele já os havia escutado muito bem.'


*üle-pe* log-ntm *et-imbe-lü* 2.dtr-come-pnct *t-etu-na* refl-village-all 'Then he arrived in his village.' 'Então ele chegou em sua aldeia.'


*ah* expl *t-iko-ngo-ingo* refl-with-nmlz-fut *aki-ha-lü* word-vblz-pnct *engü* con *beja* ep *otohongo-ingo* other.similar-fut *beja igi-nhun-dote*

ep song-vblz-adv

'Ah, he taught the one who was going to be his companion, his other, when he was to sing.'

'Ah, ele ensinou aquele que seria seu companheiro, seu outro, quando ele fosse cantar.'

(141) *otohongoingo tsüha*

*otohongo-ingo* other.similar-fut *tsüha* ev.uncr 'That one who would be his companion.' 'Aquele que seria seu companheiro.'


'Pronto, estava completo.'

(145) *etükilü leha inha*

*etüki-lü* complete-pnct *leha* compl *0-inha* 3-dat 'It was complete for him.' 'Estava completo para ele.'

(146) *otohongo inha otohongo* other.similar *inha* dat 'For his companion.' 'Para seu companheiro.' (147) *osiha osi-ha* hort-ha '"Let's go."' '"Vamos lá."'

(148) *osiha ai hale tüti heke nügü iheke osi-ha* hort-ha *ai* purp *hale* cntr *tü-ti* refl-mother *heke* erg *nügü* pnct *i-heke* 3-erg '"Let's go," and then he said to his mother:' '"Vamos lá," e então ele disse para sua mãe:'

(149) *ama*

*ama* mother '"Mother."' '"Mãe."'

(150) *ah kupuke hõhõ nügü iheke*

*ah* expl *k-upu-ke* du-make.a.visual.imitation-imp *hõhõ* emph *nügü* pnct *i-heke* 3-erg '"Ah, make our image," he said.' '"Ah, faça nossa imagem," ele disse.'

(151) *ah kupuke hõhõ nügü iheke*

*ah* expl *k-upu-ke* du-make.a.visual.imitation-imp *hõhõ* emph *nügü* pnct *i-heke* 3-erg '"Ah, make our image," he said.' '"Ah, faça nossa imagem," ele disse.'

(152) *kupuke ah nügü baha iheke*

*k-upu-ke* du-make.a.visual.imitation-imp *ah* expl *nügü* pnct *baha* ev *i-heke* 3-erg '"Make our image," ah, that's what he said.'

'"Faça nossa imagem," ah, isso é o que ele disse.'

### A. Guerreiro, Ageu Kalapalo, Jeika Kalapalo & Ugise Kalapalo


*igia* this.way *kugu-be* true-aug *s-uele-tu* 3-girth-poss *s-agage-be* 3-alike-aug *otohongo* other.similar 'A roll was this big, and another one also had the same size.' 'Um rolo era grande desse jeito, e um outro tinha o mesmo tamanho.'

(156) *tita etikoguingo hegei*

*tita* mortuary.effigy *etiko-gu-ingo* belt-poss-fut *h-ege-i* ha-dist-cop 'This is what would become the effigy's belt.' 'Isso é o que se tornaria o cinto da efígie.'

(157) *ege hungu jetsa inke tsapa akago heke tüita*

*ege* dist *hungu* similar *jetsa* ev *in-ke* see-imp *tsapa* ep *akago* 3pl *heke* erg *t-üi-ta* refl-make-dur 'Like those, look those they are making.'<sup>5</sup> 'Como aqueles, veja aqueles que eles estão fazendo.'

(158) *üle hunguingo hegei*

*üle* log *hungu-ingo* similar-fut *h-ege-i* ha-dist-cop

'It was meant to be like those.'

'Era pra ser como aqueles.'

<sup>5</sup>*Ageu* refers to the cotton belts some young men were making at a neighboring house.

(159) *üle hunguingo hegei üle* log *hungu-ingo* similar-fut *h-ege-i* ha-dist-cop 'It was meant to be like those.' 'Era pra ser como aqueles.'

(160) *isi ngihetanümi isi* mother *ng-ihe-ta-nümi* log-spin-dur-pnct.cop 'What his mother was spinning.' 'O que sua mãe estava fiando.'


*aiha* done 'Done.' 'Pronto.'

(163) *togokige etükilü togokige* cotton *etüki-lü* complete-pnct 'The cotton was ready.' 'O algodão estava pronto.'

(164) *osiha*

*osi-ha* hort-ha '"Let's go."' '"Vamos lá."'


*tita* mortuary.effigy *ike-nügü* to.cut-pnct *i-heke-ni* 3-erg-pl 'They cut down a log for an effigy.' 'Eles derrubaram uma tora para fazer uma efígie.'

(167) *tita ikenügü leha ihekeni*

*tita* mortuary.effigy *ike-nügü* to.cut-pnct *leha* compl *i-heke-ni* 3-erg-pl 'They had already cut down a log for an effigy.' 'Eles já tinham derrubado uma tora para fazer uma efígie.'

(168) *ületoho*

*üle-toho* log-ins 'To do that.' 'Para fazer isso.'

(169) *tühutoho hegei*

*tü-hu-toho* refl-imitation-ins *h-ege-i* ha-dist-cop 'That was his image.' 'Aquela era sua imagem.'

(170) *agetsiha agetsi tita*

*agetsi-ha* one-ha *agetsi* one *tita* mortuary.effigy 'There was only one, one effigy.' 'Havia apenas uma, uma única efígie.' (171) *ülepea higei ah titabe ige tüingalü higei*

*üle-pe-a* log-ntm-caus *h-ige-i* ha-prox-cop *ah* expl *tita-be* mortuary.effigy-aug *ige* prox *t-üi-nga-lü* refl-make-hab-pnct *h-ege-i* ha-dist-cop 'It's since this that we have been making effigies.' 'É desde então que nós temos feito efígies.'

(172) *ülepeaha*

*üle-pe-a=ha* log-ntm-as=ha 'Since this.' 'Desde então.'

(173) *aiha*

*aiha* done 'Done.' 'Pronto.'

(174) *ülepebe*

*üle-pe-be* log-ntm-aug 'Then.' 'Então.'


(177) *ẽ kangaki muke etelüko*

*ẽ* aff *kanga-ki* fish-ins *muke* adv *e-te-lü-ko* 3-go-pnct-pl 'Yes, they must have gone fishing.' 'Sim, eles devem ter ido pescar.'

(178) *kangaki hõhõ etelüko kanga-ki* fish-ins *hõhõ* emph *e-te-lü-ko* 2-go-pnct-pl 'First they went fishing.' 'Primeiro eles foram pescar.'

(179) *ah ületohokibe ah* expl *üle-toho-ki-be* log-ins-ins-aug 'Ah, to do so.' 'Ah, para fazer isso.'


*etsu-ta* debut-dur *hale* cntr *egea* like.that *hale* cntr *ege-i* dist-cop 'He was just singing for the first time.' 'Ele estava apenas estreando.'

(182) *hm etsuta*

*hm* expl *etsu-ta* debut-dur 'Hm, he was singing for the first time.' 'Hm, ele estava estreando.'

(183) *aiha aiha* done 'Done.' 'Pronto.'

(184) *ah iginhun leha ah* expl *igi-nhun* song-vblz *leha* compl 'Ah, he started to sing!' 'Ah, ele começou a cantar!'

	- *ah* expl *t-otohongo* refl-other.similar *ake* com *leha* compl 'Ah, together with his companion.' 'Ah, junto com seu companheiro.'

*aki-nügü* finish-pnct 'It was finished.' 'Estava terminado.'

(193) *ülepe*

*üle-pe* log-ntm 'Then …' 'Então …'

(194) *kohotsi inhügü iginhuko leha*

*kohotsi* at.dusk *inhügü* become *igi-nhu-ko* song-nmlz-pl *leha* compl 'When dusk came, they were singing again.' 'Quando chegou o entardecer, eles estavam cantando novamente.' (195) *ah iginhundako leha ah* expl *igi-nhuN-da-ko* song-vblz-dur-pl *leha* compl 'Ah, they were singing again.' 'Ah, eles estavam cantando novamente.'


*üle-pe* log-ntm *mitote* at.dawn 'And then at dawn …' 'E depois ao amanhecer …'


(200) *ah ta beja iheke ah* expl *ta* dur *beja* ep *i-heke* 3-erg 'Ah, his words!' 'Ah, suas palavras!'

A. Guerreiro, Ageu Kalapalo, Jeika Kalapalo & Ugise Kalapalo


*igi-nhun-da-ko* song-vblz-dur-pl *leha* compl 'They were singing.' 'Eles estavam cantando.'

(203) *aiha*

*aiha* done 'Done.' 'Pronto.'

(204) *aiha mitote aiha* done *mitote* at.dawn 'Done, at dawn …' 'Pronto, ao amanhecer …'

(205) *ah sitogupe onginügübe*


<sup>6</sup>During the last night of a mortuary ritual, a fire is kept in front of the deceased's effigy. While it is kept burnig, the soul of the deceased is present among the living. At dawn, the fire is buried while a chief makes a speech exhorting the deceased to leave permanently to the village of the dead.

3 Kalapalo

(206) *engü bejaha sitogupeha onginügü leha mitote engü* con *beja-ha* ep-ha *s-ito-gu-pe-ha* 3-fire-poss-ntm-ha *ongi-nügü* bury-pnct *leha* compl *mitote* at.dawn 'Yes, his fire was buried at dawn.' 'Sim, seu fogo foi enterrado ao amanhecer.'

(207) *apungu baha egei leha*

*apungu* end *baha* ev *ege-i* dist-cop *leha* compl 'That was the end.' 'Aquilo foi o fim.'


<sup>7</sup> *Ikindene* is a combat sport practiced by all the peoples of the Upper Xingu, and it is considered one of the most important features of their regional society. Wrestling is the *climax* of the Quarup mortuary ritual, but, since *Kamagisa* didn't have any guests, his ritual also didn't have *ikindene*.

### A. Guerreiro, Ageu Kalapalo, Jeika Kalapalo & Ugise Kalapalo

(211) *etsunügü gele Kamagisa etsunügü*

*etsu-nügü* debut-pnct *gele* adv *Kamagisa* Kamagisa *etsu-nügü* debut-pnct 'Just *Kamagisa*'s debut and self-image-making.' 'Só a estreia e feitura da própria imagem de *Kamagisa*.'

(212) *ama*

*ama* mother '"Mother."' '"Mãe."'

(213) *jeugagi je jeuga jeuga jeuga*

[*Kamagisa* was singing in Kamayurá, a Tupi-Guarani language]<sup>8</sup> [*Kamagisa* estava cantanto em Kamayurá, uma língua Tupi-Guarani]

(214) *ama jeuga ipugu inkgete umbüngaitsü tühügü hegei iheke*

*ama* mother *jeuga* macaw *ipu-gu* feather-poss *i-nkgete* bring-imp *u-mbüngai-tsü* 1-armlet-poss *tühügü* pfv *h-egei* ha-dist-cop *i-heke* 3-erg '"Mother, bring my macaw feathers armlets," that's what he said.' '"Mãe, traga meus braceletes de pena de arara," é o que ele disse.'

(215) *hm Kamagisa kilü*

*hm* expl *Kamagisa* Kamagisa *ki-lü* say-pnct 'Hm, *Kamagisa* said.' 'Hm, *Kamagisa* disse.'

(216) *ületse ingugiha isi heke indzüngaitsü inginügü*

*üle-tse* log-dim *ingugi-ha* decision.solution-ha *isi* mother *heke* erg *i-ndzüngai-tsü* 3-armlet-poss *ingi-nügü* bring-pnct 'It was soon solved, and his mother brought his armlets.' 'Isso logo se resolveu, e sua mãe trouxe seus braceletes.'

<sup>8</sup>Multilinguism in ritual language is discussed in the final section.

3 Kalapalo

(217) *jahu ehe jahu e*

[*Kamagisa* was still singing in Kamayurá] [*Kamagisa* ainda estava cantando em Kamayurá]

(218) *ama jahu puguha ulekugu inkgete*

*ama* mother *jahu* oropendola *pugu-ha* feather-ha *u-leku-gu* 1-headdress-poss *i-nkgete* bring-imp '"Mother, bring my oropendola [*Psarocolius sp.*] feathers headdress."'<sup>9</sup> '"Mãe, traga minha plumária de penas de xexéu [*Psarocolius sp.*]."'

(219) *leku heke ẽ ẽ hügeku heke*

*leku* headdress *heke* erg *ẽ* aff *ẽ* aff *hügeku* headdress *heke* erg 'He was talking about a headdress called *leku*, yes, yes, about a headdress also called *hügeku*.'

'Ele estava falando de uma plumária chamada *leku*, sim, sim, sobre uma plumária também chamada de *hügeku*.'

(220) *Kamajula hegei*

*Kamajula* kamayurá *h-ege-i* ha-dist-cop 'That is in the Kamayurá language.' 'Aquilo está na língua Kamayurá.'

(221) *egea ta iheke kamajulai*

*egea* like.that *ta* dur *i-heke* 3-erg *kamajula-i* kamayurá-cop 'He was saying that in Kamayurá.' 'Ele estava dizendo aquilo em Kamayurá.'

(222) *kamajula kamajula* kamayurá 'In Kamayurá.' 'Em Kamayurá.'

<sup>9</sup>The oropendolas — *xexéu*, in Portuguese, and *kui*, in Kalapalo — are birds of the *Psarocolius* genus, whose tail feathers are highly esteemed for their vivid yellow tones.

### A. Guerreiro, Ageu Kalapalo, Jeika Kalapalo & Ugise Kalapalo


*etsuhu-ki-lü* end-vblz-pnct 'Over.' 'Acabado.'

(228) *ama nügü iheke ama* mother *nügü* pnct *i-heke* 3-erg '"Mother," he said.' '"Mãe," ele disse.'

(229) *ama ama* mother '"Mother."' '"Mãe."'


*etsu-ta* debut-dur *h-ege-i* ha-dist-cop 'That was his first time singing.' 'Aquela foi a primeira vez dele cantando.'

(233) *ama*

*ama* mother '"Mother."' '"Mãe."'

(234) *uenügüti hestange keiti*

*u-e-nügü-ti* 1-come-pnct-wish *hetsange* hort *k-e-iti* imp.proh-2sg-wish '"You shall not want me to come back."' '"Você não deve querer que eu volte."'

### A. Guerreiro, Ageu Kalapalo, Jeika Kalapalo & Ugise Kalapalo


'No dia seguinte, no dia após sua vinda, depois que ele havia cantado pela primeira vez.'

(239) *etsutühügü*

*etsu-tühügü* debut-pfv 'He sang for the first time.' 'Ele cantou pela primeira vez.'


'He went away for good, he didn't ever come back to his kin, to his house, to his village.'

'Ele foi embora de vez, ele nunca mais voltou para seus parentes, para sua casa, para sua aldeia.'

(242) *inhalü leha*

*inhalü* neg *leha* compl 'Never again.' 'Nunca mais.'

(243) *apungui leha etelü*

*apungu-i* end-cop *leha* compl *e-te-lü* 3-go-pnct 'He went away for good.' 'Ele foi embora de vez.'

(244) *tsakeha*

*tsa-ke-ha* listen-imp-ha 'Listen.' 'Ouça.'

A. Guerreiro, Ageu Kalapalo, Jeika Kalapalo & Ugise Kalapalo

(245) *uitsajingugu kitseha uitsajingugu* ? *ki-tse-ha* say-imp-ha 'Say "*uitsajingugu*."'<sup>10</sup> 'Diga "*uitsajingugu*."'

(246) *upügü hegei*

*upügü* last *h-ege-i* ha-dist-cop 'This is the end.' 'Este é o fim.'

### **3 Comments: alterity and translation**

This *akinha*, 'story, narrative', is formally similar to all others the Kalapalo recount, and they share a narrative style with the Kuikuro, Matipu, and Nahukua, their Carib-speaking neighbors (Basso 1985; Franchetto 1986). An *akinha* stands apart from ordinary talk by means of stylistic resources that mark its "frontiers" to the listeners, usually beginning and ending with the word *tsakeha*, 'listen' (followed, in the end, by the expression *upügü hegei*, 'this is the end', when the narrator declares there's nothing left to be told). *Ageu* usually marks these "frontiers" when telling stories, but this one is an exception, since it begins without his calling any special attention to it. *Kamagisa's* story, like other narratives, is also internally divided into thematic blocks that may be identified by opening and closing lines, such as *ülepe*, 'then' and *aiha*, 'done'.

The first block (lines 1-28) tells how a hurtful event led to *Kamagisa's* separation from his kin, followed by his first contact with *Kakakugu*, an *itseke*, a powerful spirit-being. In the second block (lines 29-58), we are told about *Kamagisa's* displacement to the spiritual world, resulting (block 3, lines 59-68) in his marriage with *Kakakugu's* daughter (a Snake Woman). When, in the fourth block (lines 69-111), *Kamagisa* returns to his village accompanied by his new wife, she is still invisible to her affines, and speaks a language incomprehensible to humans. As they lie together and have frequent sexual relations, the Snake Woman's body becomes visible to her affines (block 5, lines 112-120), and, when *Kamagisa* returns

<sup>10</sup>We could never find a proper translation of this word. A nahukua man once said it would mean 'my little shin!', and explained that one should say so to avoid getting lazy after listening to a narrative.

### 3 Kalapalo

to his father-in-law's village, he finishes his learning of a special knowledge. He learns songs that will lead him to ask his mother to 'make an image' for him (block 6, lines 121-162), a request followed by the description of important steps in the preparation of the *egitsü* mortuary ritual: the cutting of a special tree from which the effigy is made (block 7, lines 163-174), the temporal sequencing of the song performances (block 8, lines 175-203), a brief explanation of the musical language (block 9, lines 204-224), and, finally, a sad farewell to the human world (block 10, lines 225-246). A similar structure can be found in other narratives, in which a deception or fight with someone's kin may lead a character away from the human world, provoking his contact with Others (spiritual beings, enemies, or non-Indians) that will become the source of some special knowledge that he or she will transmit to humans.<sup>11</sup>

This narrative calls our attention to a trope, contained both in its title and its events. I've decided to translate *Kamagisa etsutühügü* as '*Kamagisa* Sang for the First Time' because this is the sense in which this expression is usually understood. More specifically, the verb *etsunügü* can be translated as 'to debut', as I've done in the glosses. However, *etsunügü* has also two other meanings closely related to the final scenes of the narrative: it can also mean 'to make an image of oneself' (such as a self-portrait, a *selfie* picture with a cell phone or, in this case, a mortuary effigy), and 'to set a date for leaving'. While debuting as a singer, Kamagisa also performed the other two actions. First, he made an image of himself, a *tita*, a mortuary effigy which is also called *kuge hutoho* ('made in order to imitate a person', or 'the image of a person'). By doing so, he revealed to his mother his intention to leave his kin and his village once and for all, since his feelings were deeply hurt by his former fiancée (his mother's brother's daughter, MBD). During the *egitsü*, or Quarup, the production and display of mortuary effigies is done in order for the dead to depart and leave their kin behind (Guerreiro 2011; 2015). Kamagisa, in this sense, was acting like a dead person, performing his own mortuary ritual. *Etsunügü*, then, combines different actions performed by *Kamagisa* in a single word — who, by making an effigy of himself, created both the context for revealing songs learned from the spirits and for his final departure.

<sup>11</sup>It is noteworthy that this narrative inverts several aspects of the myth of *Arakuni* as told by the Arawak-speaking Wauja. *Arakuni* is *loved* (not repudiated) by his *sister* (a forbidden woman, the opposite of a cross-cousin as a preferred spouse); instead of leaving of his own will, his mother is the one who *sends him away*; and finally, instead of marrying a spirit-being, *he becomes one himself* (a great snake). When leaving the human world, Arakuni sings until he is fully transformed into a spirit-being, and his chants are now part of the Quarup repertoire. I would like to thank Aristóteles Barcelos Neto for calling my attention to the relations between both narratives.

### A. Guerreiro, Ageu Kalapalo, Jeika Kalapalo & Ugise Kalapalo

Figure 2: Kalapalo boy sitting nearby two mortuary effigies at Aiha. Photo: Marina Pereira Novo

*Kamagisa's* story also introduces us to the multiethnic and multilingual composition of Xinguano rituals, and the means of translating myths into songs, songs into action, and action into creative or transformative social relations. The songs *Kamagisa* learned form a musical suite, or *gepa*, named after *Kamagisa's* village *Hagagikugu*. This village resulted from the fission of the Akuku, an ancient Carib-speaking people linguistically and sociopolitically closely related to the Kalapalo. Some say they were actual Kalapalo ancestors, as we can also see in the literature (Basso 2001). Others, however, insist the Akuku were a different people, more closely related to the Nahukua. In any case, *Kamagisa's* story tells about the origins of a suite of songs considered to be special Kalapalo knowledge, and that's why the Kalapalo are seen as their true 'owners' or 'masters' (*otomo*). However, most Kalapalo can't understand but a few words of it, since the songs are almost entirely in Kamayurá, a language of the Tupi-Guarani family. We're facing here a fairly common (and fascinating) situation in the Upper Xingu: we're talking about the origin myth of a suite of Kalapalo songs, sung

### 3 Kalapalo

mostly in a Tupi-Guarani language, and which plays a central role in a ritual with a probable Arawakan origin.

When interacting with different forms of alterity, the problem of communication comes to the fore, and *Kamagisa's* narrative shows how translations can be produced by several media: what one sings, even though it's not completely understood, may be translated into actions, that, in turn, can be translated into social relations. As Rafael Bastos (1983) already argued some time ago, this suggests that, if there is anything like a *lingua franca* in the Upper Xingu, it is their rituals and the communication system they compose from myths, musical and choreographic performances, and bodily decoration.

### **Acknowledgments**

Writing of this chapter was made possible by financial support from the São Paulo Research Foundation (FAPESP) for the Young Researcher Project "Transforming Amerindian regional systems: the Upper Xingu case" (process number 2013/26676-0).

### **Non-standard abbreviations**


### **References**

Basso, Ellen B. 1985. *A musical view of the universe. Kalapalo myth and ritual performances*. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.


### **Chapter 4**

## **Marubo**

Pedro de Niemeyer Cesarino University of São Paulo, Brazil

Armando Mariano Marubo Cherõpapa Txano

Robson Dionísio Doles Marubo

### **1 Introduction**

The Marubo are Panoan-speakers from the Javari River Indigenous Reservation (Terra Indígena Vale do Javari, state of Amazonas, Brazil), who live along the headwaters of the Ituí and Curuçá Rivers, as well as in the cities of Cruzeiro do Sul (in the state of Acre) and Atalaia do Norte (Amazonas). Their population is currently estimated at 1,700. The Marubo were reasonably unaffected by the rubber trade that devastated vast portions of the Amazon region during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, including the Juruá river basin, where other Panoan-speakers still live. Far from the urban centers, their lands protected a society that was created at the turn of the twentieth century by an important chief and shaman, João Tuxáua, and his relatives (Ruedas 2001; Welper 2009). João Tuxáua was responsible for gathering a number of dispersed Panoan-speakers and creating a new society out of earlier cultural and linguistic traditions, adopting the language of one group – the Chai Nawavo – that now comprise the contemporary Marubo. In fact, earlier groups (whose names are always followed by *nawavo* or 'people', as in *Chai Nawavo* or 'Bird People' and *Vari Nawavo* or 'Sun People') became segments of Marubo social and kinship system. The Marubo continue to live in longhouses, which have been abandoned by other Panoan-speakers, such as the Kaxinawa, Katukina, Yaminawa, Sharanawa, and Shipibo-Conibo, but are also maintained by the Matis, Mayoruna, and Korubo: three other Panoan-speaking peoples from the Javari river basin.

Pedro de Niemeyer Cesarino, Armando Mariano Marubo Cherõpapa Txano & Robson Dionísio Doles Marubo. 2017. Marubo. In Kristine Stenzel & Bruna Franchetto (eds.), *On this and other worlds: Voices from Amazonia*, 139–162. Berlin: Language Science Press. DOI:10.5281/zenodo.1008779

P. N. Cesarino, Armando Marubo & Robson Marubo

Figure 1: The Javari basin and location of the Marubo.

The Marubo preserve a very active ritual life characterized by the work of prayer-shamans (*kẽchĩtxo*) and spirit-shamans (*romeya*). Complex initiation and ritual knowledge transmission processes are ongoing, and involve the performance and instruction of verbal genera, such as curing songs (*shõki*), spirit songs (*iniki*), chiefly speeches (*tsãiki*), instructive speeches (*ese vana*), and mythical narratives (see Montagner 1985; 1996; Cesarino 2011; 2013, among others). The latter can be performed in two ways: narrated (*yoã vana*) with the special use of parallelism, rhythm, metaphors, and gestures, or sung (*saiti vana*), by use of constant melodic phrases (one for each story) and fixed meters. The vast *yoã vana*, a collection of mythical narratives, is the cornerstone of Marubo ritual knowledge; its episodes can be transferred to other verbal arts for ritual efficacy or counsel (see Cesarino 2011 for a detailed study). Prayer-shamans are responsible for verbal knowledge transmission and understanding, while spirit-shamans (who are also prayer-shamans) circulate through the realms of spirits and dead people that compose Marubo cosmology.

The research presented here was conducted with two spirit-shamans, Robson Dionísio Doles Marubo and Armando Mariano Marubo, as well as with other important prayer-shamans (Antonio Brasil Marubo, Lauro Brasil Marubo, and

### 4 Marubo

Paulino Joaquim Marubo). The now deceased prayer-shaman, Armando, authored the narrative that follows, which connects a traditional narrative about the formation of the Death Path (*Vei Vai yoã*) with an instructive speech (*ese vana*) about eschatological conceptions. The narrative was performed and recorded at Alegria village (Upper Ituí river) in 2007, after three years of collaboration between author and researcher. The original audio digital recording was transcribed, reviewed, and translated with the help of Robson Dionísio, a shaman, bilingual researcher and schoolteacher. The complete literary translation of this narrative was published elsewhere in Portuguese (Cesarino 2012) and can be compared with a sung version of the Death Path narrative, also previously translated and published (Cesarino 2011: 303ff). The present version revises and adds details to the original narrative, including the unpublished interlinear segmentation.

The first part of Armando's narrative synthesizes the formation of the Death Path by *Vei Maya* and the tree spirits; the second part connects this narrative with the moral teachings involved in the journey along this dangerous path. This is the kind of teaching that Marubo youngers should attend to, so as to prepare themselves for the afterlife. The lines of narrative were divided according to rhythm and parallelism, in order to reproduce the dramatic effect, a prominent characteristic of the original oral performance, in the written version. One of the central features conveying this effect (which is also didactic) is the extensive use of reported speech, which allows the narrator to shift between voices, be it the voice of an ancestor (as in line 25) or of a generic dead person (as in line 71). It is also important to note that the first Portuguese translation, from which this detailed and segmented version is derived, was actually conceived to be literary rather than completely literal.

Linguistic data on the Marubo language was first obtained through Costa's (1992, 1998, 2000) preliminary phonological and morphological research, which I later revised and expanded for my ethnographic research and verbal arts translations. My research was also based on other linguistic studies of Panoan languages (Valenzuela 2003 for Shipibo-Conibo; Fleck 2003 for Matsés; Camargo 1995; 1996a,b; 1998; 2003; 2005 for Kaxinawá, among others), as well as on a revision of the orthographic conventions used for the Marubo language by the New Tribes Mission linguists since 1950. Despite the traits that it shares with other Panoan languages – such as agglutinative morphology, easily identifiable morpheme boundaries, the presence of ergative-absolutive case marking, and a complex switch-reference system that distinguishes same/different subjects and sequential/simultaneous actions – the classification of the Marubo language within the Panoan linguistic group is still being debated (Valenzuela 2003: 55).

### P. N. Cesarino, Armando Marubo & Robson Marubo

The Marubo phonemic system, with orthographic conventions indicated by <>, is composed of fourteen consonants (p <p>, m <m>, v <v>, w <w>, t <t>, n <˜>, s <s>, ts <ts>, ɾ <r>, ʃ <sh>, tʃ <tx>, ʂ < ch>, y < y >, k <k>) and four vowels (i <i>, ɨ (e), a <a>, u <o>).

### **2 The teachings of the Death-Path**

### **Ensinamentos do Caminho-Morte**

I. A história de Vei Maya

(1) *Txõtxõ Koro shavo, winin aká shavo,*

*Txõtxo* bird *Koro* grey *shavo* women *winin* erection *aká* aux.trns *shavo* women 'Bird-women, seductive women,' 'Mulheres-pássaro, as mulheres sedutoras,'

(2) *Atisho vei ooki vei oo atisho.*

*a-ti-sho* 3dem-nmlz-sssa *vei* death *oo-iki* cry-vblz *vei* death *oo* cry *a-ti-sho* 3dem-nmlz-sssa 'women of the death-cry, of the death-cry.' 'aquelas que soltaram o grito-morte, aquelas do grito-morte.'

(3) *Aivo askásevi Vei Maya askásevi,*

*a-ivo* 3dem-genr *aská-sevi* sml-con *Vei* death *Maya* Maya *aská-sevi* sml-con 'And her also, Vei Maya also,' 'e também ela, Vei Maya também,'

(4) *Vei Maya vei mai nãkõsh wenímarivi, shavo wetsa.*

*Vei* death *Maya* Maya *vei* death *mai* land *nãkõ-sh* nectar-loc.prov *wení-ma-rivi* rise-neg-emp *shavo* woman *wetsa* other

'Vei Maya did not come from the Death-Land; she is another woman.'<sup>1</sup> 'Vei Maya não surgiu do néctar da terra-morte, é outra mulher.'

<sup>1</sup>The narrator is saying that *Vei Maya* was not born in the Death-Land that she later created. 'Nectar' (*nãko*) is a shamanic term for a special transformational substance.

(5) *Aská akĩ, aská akĩ, isĩ akĩ,*

*aská* sml *a-kĩ* do-sssa *aská* sml *a-kĩ* aux.trns-sssa *isĩ* strong *a-kĩ* aux.trns-sssa 'Doing this, doing this, doing this strongly,' 'Fazendo assim, fazendo assim, fazendo forte,'

(6) *aská akĩ, isĩ akĩ rishkikinã.*

*aská* sml *a-kĩ* aux.trns-sssa *isĩ* strong *a-kĩ* aux.trns-sssa *rishki-ki-nã* beat-ass-foc 'doing this strongly, her husband beat her.' 'fazendo assim, fazendo forte, [o marido] ia mesmo espancando.'

(7) *Awẽ amaĩnõ wetsarotsẽ a venemesh merasho rishkiti tenãi.*

*awẽ* what *a-maĩnõ* aux.trns-con *wetsa-ro-tsẽ* other-top-con *a* 3.dem *vene-mesh* man-? *mera-sho* find-sssa *rishki-ti* beat-ins *tenã-i* die-pst1

'And doing so, the husband killed his other wife.' 'E assim fazendo, o homem matou a sua outra mulher.'

(8) *Askámãi wetsarotsẽ, wetsa westí tsaopakea aivorotsẽ,*

*aská-mãinõ* sml-con *wetsa-ro-tsẽ,* other-top-con *wetsa* other *westí* alone *tsao-pake-a* seat-distr-rlz *a-ivo-ro-tsẽ* 3.dem-genr-top-con 'But the other, the one who sat alone,' 'Mas a outra, aquela que ficou sozinha sentada,'

(9) *aro awẽ vene rishkia.*

*a-ro* 3.dem-top *awẽ* poss *vene* man *rishki-a* beat-rlz 'the husband beat.' 'o marido nela bateu.'

(10) *Awẽ chinã naíai tsaõ,*

*awẽ* poss *chinã* thought *naí-ai* sad-incp *tsaõ* seated.loc 'There she sat with a sad thought,' 'Ficou sentada com o pensamento entristecido,'

### P. N. Cesarino, Armando Marubo & Robson Marubo

(11) *vei ari kenai, vei ari kenai.*

*vei* death *a-ri* 3.dem-refl *kena-i* call-prog *vei* death *a-ri* 3.dem-refl *kena-i* call-prog 'alone, calling for death, alone, calling for death.' 'pela morte sozinha chamava, pela morte sozinha chamava.'

(12) *Vei Mayanã.*

*Vei* death *Maya-nã* Maya-foc **'**This is Vei Maya.' 'É Maya-Morte.'

(13) *Aivo vei ari kenaiti.*

*a-ivo* 3.dem-genr *vei* death *a-ri* 3.dem-refl *kena-i-ti* call-prog-pst5 'The one that, in the old times, called for death.' 'A que há tempos pela morte chamava.'

(14) *Aská akĩserotsẽ ari iniki vanai.*

*aská* sml *a-kĩ-se-ro-tsẽ* aux.trns-sssa-ext-top-con *a-ri* 3.dem-refl *iniki* song *vana-i* speech-prog 'This way she called, this way she sang for herself.' 'Assim mesmo chamando, ela sozinha cantofalava.'

(15) *Ronorasĩ kenaiti.*

*rono-rasĩ* snake-col *kena-i-ti* call-prog-pst5 'She called for the snakes long ago.' 'Chamava pelas cobras,'

(16) *Vanavanakwãi avai kayakãisho*

*vana-vana-kawã-i* speak-speak-go-prog *a-vai* aux.trns-con *kaya-kãi-sho* leave-inc-sssa 'Calling and calling she left' 'falando e falando foi saindo,'

4 Marubo

(17) *kayã nachima.*

*kayã* river.loc *nachi-ma* bathe-caus 'to bathe in the river.' 'foi banhar no rio.'

(18) *A nachia tsaosmãis, a rono anõ rakákawãs nachai.*

*a* 3.dem *nachi-a* bathe-rlz *tsao-se-mãinõs* seat-ext-con *a* 3.dem *rono* snake *anõ* fin *raká-kawãs* lie-go *nacha-i* bite-pst1 'While she sat to bathe, a passing snake bit her.' 'Enquanto sentava-se para banhar, uma cobra que ali ficava a mordeu.'

(19) *Tenãseiti.*

*tenã-se-iti* die-ext-pst5 'And she died a long time ago.'<sup>2</sup> 'Morreu mesmo há muito tempo.'

(20) *Aská akaivo voshõ,*

*aská* sml *aka-i-vo* aux.trns-prog-pl *vo-shõ* arrive.pl-dssa 'And then they arrived.' 'E assim então eles chegaram,'

(21) *Shono Yove Nawavo pakeivo paraiki voshõ.*

*Shono* samaúma.tree *Yove* spirit *Nawa-vo* people-pl *pake-i-vo* fall-prog-pl *para-iki* come.down-vblz *vo-shõ.* arrive.pl-con

'Samaúma Spirit-People were coming down, arriving.' 'O Povo-Espírito da Samaúma foi descendo, chegando.'

<sup>2</sup>There are at least three verbal forms for 'death' in the present text: *vopia*, 'to die in this world'; *veia*, a 'second possible death and/or transformation in the afterlife'; *tenãia*, 'to be physically injured to the point of death'.

### P. N. Cesarino, Armando Marubo & Robson Marubo

(22) *Anosho chinãi, ano-sho* there-loc.prov *chinã-i* think-prog 'And there she thought,' 'E ali elá pensou,'

(23) *ato chinãmakĩ,*

*ato* 3pl.dem *chinã-ma-kĩ* think-caus-sssa 'about them she was thinking,' 'Sobre eles ficou pensando,'

(24) *ato chinãmakĩ.*

*ato* 3pl.dem *chinã-ma-kĩ* think-caus-sssa 'About them she was thinking.'<sup>3</sup> 'Sobre eles pensou.'

(25) *"Ramaro nokẽ chinã naíai, nõ neskái,*

*rama-ro* now-top *nokẽ* 1pl.gen *chinã* thought *naí-ai* sad-incp *nõ* 1pl.gen *neská-ai* sml-incp '"Now our thought saddened, so we became,' '"Agora que ficamos com o pensamento entristecido,'

(26) *noke neská akavo, noke.*

*noke* 1pl.abs *neská* sml *aka-vo* aux.trns-pl *noke* 1pl.abs 'now we will do it this way.' 'agora vamos fazer assim.'

<sup>3</sup>The Samaúma Spirit-People came down from the *Tama Shavá*, a dwelling in the tree canopies, a better world to which all the deceased were destined in ancient times, regardless of their moral qualities. *Vei Maya* is outraged with this common destiny and thus provokes an eschatological transformation. Samaúma (*ceiba petandra*) is one of the tallest Amazonian trees; its spiritpeople are some of the most important in Marubo shamanism. The next two trees mentioned in the narrative could not be identified in Portuguese, but the Marubo used to call the *chai* tree with the regional term "envireira".

(27) *Txipo shavá otapa roai askátanivai ari shavámisvo.*

*txipo* after *shavá* time *otapa* come *roa-i* sorcery-prog *aská-ta-ni-vai* sml-ass-?-con *a-ri* 3.dem-refl *shavá-misi-ivo* live-possib-genr 'The future we will change, so that they might suffer.' 'A época que virá vamos transformar para que os outros sofram.'

(28) *Vei Vai arina shovimakĩ!*

*Vei* death *Vai* path *a-ri-na* aux.trns-imp-? *shovi-ma-ki* make.built-caus-ass 'Come and make the Death-Path!' 'Vamos, façam logo o Caminho-Morte!'

(29) *Vei Vai arina shovimakĩ!" ikiti.*

*Vei* death *Vai* path *a-ri-na* aux-imp-? *shovi-ma-ki* make.built-caus-ass *iki-ti* say-pst5 'Come and make the Death-Path!" she commanded long ago.' 'Façam logo o Caminho-Morte!", disse ela há muito tempo.'

(30) *Askáka akátõsh tanamakinãnãi.*

*aská-aka* sml-aux.trns *aká-tõsho* aux.trns-cns *tana-ma-iki-nãnã-i* understand.decide-caus-ass-recp-pst1 'And they arranged everything amongst themselves.' 'Assim eles entre si tudo combinaram.'

(31) *Chai Yove Nawavo,*

*Chai* envireira.tree *Yove* spirit *Nawa-vo* people-pl 'Spirit People of the Envireira Tree,' 'Povo-Espírito da Envireira,'

(32) *Shono Yove Nawavo,*

*Shono* samaúma.tree *Yove* spirit *Nawa-vo* people-pl 'Spirit People of the Samaúma Tree,' 'Povo-Espírito da Samaúma,'


*a-ti* 3.dem-nmlz *tana-ma-iki-nãnã-vaikis* understand.decide-caus-aux-recp-con 'they decided everything amongst themselves,' 'são estes os que entre si tudo combinaram,'

(35) *awẽ vana anõkis akavo*

*awẽ* poss *vana* speech *anõ-ki-se* fin-ass-ext *aka-vo* aux.trns-pl 'and obeyed her' 'a ordem obedeceram e fizeram,'

(36) *Vei Vai shovimakĩ.*

*Vei* death *Vai* path *shovi-ma-kĩ* make-caus-ass 'building the Death-Path.' 'construíram o Caminho-Morte.'

(37) *Atiãro yora veiya roase,*

*atiã-ro* temp-top *yora* people *vei-ya* die-prf *roa-se* easy-ext 'At that time people died easily,' 'Naquela época as pessoas morriam tranquilas,'

(38) *Vopitani tachikrãse,*

*vopi-ta-ni* die-ass-? *tachi-krã-se* arrive-dir.c-ext

'died and arrived there [in the world in the tree canopies],' 'faleciam e já chegavam [na Morada Arbórea],'

4 Marubo

(39) *vopitani tachikrãseika. vopi-ta-ni* death-ass-? *tachi-krã-se-i-ka* arrive-dir.c-ext-pst1-? 'died and really arrived there.'<sup>4</sup> 'faleciam e já chegavam mesmo .'

(40) *Akámẽkirotsẽ ãtõ atovo,*

*aká-mẽkĩ-ro-tsẽ* aux.trns-con-top-con *ãtõ* 3pl.dem.erg *ato-vo* 3pl.abs-pl 'So it was, but then they made it,' 'Assim era, mas ela ordenou e fizeram,'

(41) *Vei Vai aská akĩ shovimai akavo.*

*Vei* death *Vai* path *aská* sml *a-kĩ* aux.trns-sssa *shovi-ma-i* built-caus-prog *aka-vo* aux.trns-pl 'Death-Path they made.' 'construíram o Caminho-Morte.'


*Tama* tree *Yove* spirit *Nawa-vo* people-pl *vei* death *chinã-ya* thought-atr.perm *shoko-ma* live-neg 'Tama Spirit People do not live with death-thought,' 'Povo-Espírito das Árvores não vive com pensamento-morte,'

(44) *Chai Yove Nawavo vei chinãya shokoma.*

*Chai* envireira.tree *Yove* spirit *Nawa-vo* people-pl *vei* death *chinã-ya* thought-atr.perm *shoko-ma* live-neg 'Chai Spirit People do not live with death-thought.' 'Povo-Espírito da Envireira não vive com pensamento-morte.'

<sup>4</sup> In the world of the tree canopies.

### P. N. Cesarino, Armando Marubo & Robson Marubo

(45) *Akámẽkĩtsẽ ãtõ ato vanaka,*

*aká-mẽki-tsẽ* aux.trns-con-con *ãtõ* 3pl.dem.erg *ato* 3pl.abs *vana* speech *aka* aux.trns 'So they are, but she commanded,' 'Assim mesmo são, mas ela os ordenou,'


*a* 3.dem *vai* path *shovi-ma-ki-nã* built-caus-ass-foc 'and built that path.' 'construíram aquele caminho.'

(48) *Atõ aská ati,*

*atõ* 3pl.dem *aská* sml *a-ti* aux-pst5 'Long ago they made it,' 'Assim há tempos fizeram,'

(49) *atõ aská atisho.*

*atõ* 3pl.dem *aská* sml *a-ti-sho* aux.trns-pst5-sssa 'Long ago they did it.' 'assim há tempos eles fizeram.'

### (50) *Akĩ vai roa aina, vai roakama,*

*a-kĩ* 3.dem-sssa *vai* path *roa* arrange *a-ina* aux.trns-con.fin *vai* path *roaka-ma* good-neg 'The path they arranged, a bad path,' 'Ajeitaram o caminho, caminho ruim,'

### 4 Marubo


### II. A travessia

(53) *Wetsaro vei ikitai,*

*wetsa-ro* other-top *vei* death *iki-ta-i* cop-ass-pst1 'This one is dead,' 'Um já está morrido,'

(54) *wetsaro vei ikitai,*

*wetsa-ro* other-top *vei* death *iki-ta-i* cop-ass-pst1 'this one is dead,' 'outro já está morrido,'<sup>5</sup>

(55) *wetsaro vei matsá pakei,*

*wetsa-ro* other-top *vei* death *matsá* mud *pake-i* fall-pst1 'the other one has fallen in the death-mud,' 'Outro caiu no lamaçal-morte,'

<sup>5</sup>The Portuguese "morrido" translates the difference between two possible deaths conceived by Marubo eschatology: the death of the carcass-body (*vopia*) and the death of the double (*veia*). The first is translated as 'morto' and the second one as 'morrido', thus mirroring a popular Brazilian expression that also distinguishes two kinds of death: "morte matada e morte morrida".


*aská-mãinõ* sml-con *yora* person *ese* wisdom *vana-ya* speech-atr.perm 'But the person with wise speech,' 'Mas a pessoa de fala sabida,'

(60) *yora vanaya,*

*yora* person *vana-ya* speech-atr.perm 'the talkative person,' 'a pessoa faladora,'

(61) *vana shatesmaivo yora, vana* speech *shate-se-ma-ivo* cut-ext-neg-genr 'the person of constant speech,' 'a pessoa de fala firme,'

4 Marubo

(62) *yora akáro aská: yora* person *aká-ro* dem.genr-top *aská* sml 'this person is like this:' 'esta é assim.'

(63) *aro na mai shavápashõ nishõ,*

*a-ro* 3.dem-top *na* dem.prox *mai* land *shavá-pa-shõ* dwelling-loc-loc.prov *ni-shõ* live-dssa 'having lived in this land,' 'Esta, tendo vivido nesta terra,'

(64) *wa shavo kai wetsa,*

*wa* dem.dist *shavo* woman *ka-i* go-prog *wetsa* another 'with that woman,' 'com aquela mulher,'

(65) *wa shavo kai wetsa,*

*wa* dem.dist *shavo* woman *ka-i* go-prog *wetsa* another 'with that other woman,' 'com aquela mulher,'

(66) *wa shavo kai wetsa, akama.*

*wa* dem.dist *shavo* woman *ka-i* go-prog *wetsa* another *aka-ma* aux-neg 'with that other woman, he didn't go.' 'com aquela outra mulher não saía.'

(67) *Mato mã aĩ viá keská,*

*mato* 2pl.abs *mã* 2pl.erg *aĩ* woman *viá* take *keská* sml

'Just like when you choose a woman,'<sup>6</sup> 'Como vocês que escolhem as suas mulheres,'

<sup>6</sup>This is a reference to me (Cesarino) and monogamous white people.

### P. N. Cesarino, Armando Marubo & Robson Marubo

(68) *a westí verõsho oĩa akavo,*

*a* 3.dem *westí* only.one *verõ-sho* eye-con *oĩa* see *aka-vo* aux.trns-pl 'person who looks with only one eye'<sup>7</sup> 'pessoas que olham com apenas um olho,'

(69) *yoratsẽ Vei Maya vei akatĩpa,*

*yora-tsẽ* person-con *Vei* death *Maya* Maya *vei* death *aka-tĩpa* aux.trns-imposs 'this kind of person, Vei Maya cannot hold,' 'esse tipo de pessoa Vei Maya não consegue pegar'

(70) *askárasĩ vei akatĩpa.*

*aská-rasĩ* sml-col *vei* death *aka-tĩpa* aux.trns-imposs 'this kind of person cannot die.' 'pessoas assim não podem ficar morridas.'

(71) *Wa mai shavápashõ,*

*wa* dem.dist *mai* land *shavá-pa-shõ* dwelling-loc-loc.prov '"In that land,' '"Na morada daquela terra,'

(72) *wa mai shavapashõ,*

*wa* dem.dist *mai* land *shavá-pa-shõ* dwelling-loc-loc.prov 'in that land,' 'na morada daquela terra,'

(73) *wa shavo kai wetsa,*

*wa* dem.dist *shavo* woman *ka-i* go-prog *wetsa* another 'with that and that woman,' 'com aquela mulher,'

<sup>7</sup> "Person who looks with only one eye" is a metaphor for those who search for only one women, as white people. The Marubo polygamy was once restricted to shamans and chiefs but nowadays is practised with more relaxed criteria, which produces this kind of criticism by elder shamans as Armando.

(74) *wa shavo kai wetsa,*

*wa* dem.dist *shavo* woman *ka-i* go-prog *wetsa* another 'with that and that woman,' 'com aquela mulher,'

(75) *ẽ yora onã shavorasĩ,*

*ẽ* 1sg.gen *yora* people *onã* know *shavo-rasĩ* women-col 'with my relatives' wives,' 'com mulheres conhecidas,'

(76) *akĩ ichná kawãi ẽ niámarvi.*

*a-kĩ* aux.trns-sssa *ichná* bad *kawã-i* go-prog *ẽ* 1sg.erg *niá-ma-rivi* live-neg-emp 'I did not live by flirting.' 'eu não fiquei mesmo fazendo besteira.'

(77) *ẽ oĩtivoivo,*

*ẽ* 1sg.gen *oĩ-ti-vo-ivo* see.choose-nmlz-pl-genr 'Only with my chosen one,' 'Apenas com a minha escolhida,'

(78) *shavo ninivarãsh,*

*shavo* woman *ni-ni-varã-sh* live-live-dir.c-dspa

'the woman that I brought to live with me,' 'A mulher que eu trouxe para viver comigo,'

(79) *aivo shavo oĩ inishõ neskái.*

*a-ivo* 3.dem-genr *shavo* woman *oĩ* see *i-ni-shõ* aux-assoc-dssa *neská-i* sml-pst1 'only with this one I've lived.' 'por ter vivido apenas com ela é que fiquei assim.'

### P. N. Cesarino, Armando Marubo & Robson Marubo

(80) *Vei kayapai ẽ neskámaĩnõ. vei* death *kaya-pai* true.principal-comp *ẽ* 1sg.gen *neská-maĩnõ* sml-con 'An honest dead I now am.' 'Por isso agora sou morto íntegro.'

(81) *Matõ neskánamãsh, ea vei akatĩpa ea.*

*matõ* 2pl.gen *neská-namã-sh* sml-loc-dspa *ea* 1sg.abs *vei* death *aka-tĩpa* aux.trns-imposs *ea* 1sg.abs 'In this place of yours, you cannot kill me."' 'Por isso vocês aqui não podem, não podem me matar."'

(82) *Ikitõ awẽ ese vanase ainai,*

*iki-tõ* say-cns *awẽ* poss *ese* wisdom *vana-se* speech-ext *a-ina-i* aux.intr-mov.up-prog

'His wise words he says ascending,'<sup>8</sup> 'Assim ele vai então dizendo sua fala sabida,'

(83) *awẽ ese vanase vevo ashõ kai,*

*awẽ* poss *ese* wisdom *vana-se* speech-ext *vevo* before *a-shõ* aux.trns-dssa *ka-i* go-pr 'with wise words he goes,' 'tendo dito sua fala sabida ele avança,'

(84) *katsese vana ikitai tapi,*

*katsese* everything *vana* speech *iki-ta-i* say-ass-prog *tapi* go 'speaking with everything he continues,'<sup>9</sup> 'Falando com tudo ele segue,'

<sup>8</sup>This refers to the speech of a deceased person, who is crossing the path.

<sup>9</sup>He refers to all of the path's dangers, which the dead should know in their numerous forms (*shovia*). The person should acquire this knowledge during his/her life in order to face the challenges of the afterlife.

### 4 Marubo

(85) *awá shao tapã vana ikitase, awá* tapir *shao* bone *tapã* bridge *vana* speech *iki-ta-se* say-ass-ext 'speaking with the tapir bone bridge,' 'com a ponte de osso de anta ele fala,'


'com os frutos todos ele fala.'

<sup>10</sup>A heap of shells that cut and kill the dead.

<sup>11</sup>Death-fruits (*vei vimi*) that he might eat instead of continuing his ascent.

### P. N. Cesarino, Armando Marubo & Robson Marubo

(90) *Wa mai shavápashõ, vimi ichnárasĩ yaniakĩ niáma,*

*wa* dem.dist *mai* land *shavá-pa-shõ* dwelling-loc-loc.prov *vimi* fruit *ichná-rasĩ* bad-col *õsipa* varied *yania-kĩ* feed-sssa *niá-ma* live-neg '"In that land, I didn't live by eating bad and varied fruit,' '"Naquela terra, não vivi me alimentando de ruins e fartos frutos.'

(91) *eri píti koĩ meramashõrivi ea anõ yanini.*

*e-ri* 1sg-refl *píti* food *koĩ* real.true *mera-ma-shõ-rivi* find-cs-sspa-emp *ea* 1sg.abs *anõ* fin *yani-ini* feed-? 'I've worked to have my own real food.' 'Eu mesmo procurava comida de verdade para me alimentar.'

(92) *Aki ea anõ mato ea mã veikatĩpa.*

*a-ki* aux-ass *ea* 1sg.abs *anõ* fin *mato* 2pl.abs *ea* 1sg.abs *mã* 2pl.erg *vei-aka-tĩpa* death-aux.trns-imposs 'That's how I've lived, so you cannot kill me."' 'É assim que sou, vocês não podem me matar!"'

(93) *A kaisa vanania.*

*a* 3.dem *kai-sa* go-? *vana-ina* speech-mov.up 'There he goes ascending and speaking.' 'Assim ele sobe falando.'

(94) *Vei shõparasĩ askásevi,*

*Vei* death *shõpa-rasĩ* papaya-col *aská-sevi* sml-con 'With papaya-death also,' 'Com os mamãos-morte também,'

(95) *askárasĩ awe kẽvo anõ inã askásevi,*

*aská-rasĩ* sml-col *awe* thing *kẽ-vo* desire-pl *anõ* fin *inã* offer *aská-sevi* sml-con 'with all the alluring things also,' 'com todas as coisas sedutoras também,'

4 Marubo

(96) *askásevi askásevi vana akitase kãi, aská-sevi* sml-con *aská-sevi* sml-con *vana-a-ki-ta-se* speech-rel-sssa-ass-ext *kãi* go 'with all the things he speaks and speaks,' 'e também e também, com tudo ele vai mesmo falando.'

(97) *vanaarasĩ nokorivi,*

*vana-a-rasĩ* speech-rlz-col *noko-rivi* arrive-emp 'speaking with everything he arrives,' 'Falando com tudo ele chega mesmo,'

(98) *ese vanase vevo oshõ kãi nokorivi.*

*ese* wisdom *vana-se* speech-ext *vevo* before *o-shõ* come-dssa *kã-i* go-prog *noko-rivi* arrive-emp

'having walked with wise words he arrives.' <sup>12</sup> 'tendo antes falado sabiamente ele chega mesmo.'

(99) *Askámaĩnõ wetsaro, awẽ ese vana keyonamãsho,*

*Aská-maĩnõ* sml-con *wetsa-ro* other-top *a-ivo* dem-genr *awẽ* poss *ese* wisdom *vana* speech *keyo-namã-sho* over-loc-con 'But the other one, in that place where his speech failed,' 'Mas aquele outro, naquele lugar mesmo em que sua fala sabida acabou,'

(100) *awẽ keyovãianamãsho atxitase.*

*awẽ* poss *keyo-vãia-namã-sho* over-inc-loc-con *atxi-ta-se* hold-ass-ext 'in that place where it failed he gets stuck.'

'ali mesmo onde a fala acabou ele fica preso.'

(101) *Nokẽ shenirasĩ, ramama itivorasĩ,*

*Nokẽ* 1pl.gen *sheni-rasĩ* forbear-col *rama-ma* now-neg *i-ti-vo-rasĩ* live-pst5-pl-col

'Our forbearers, those born long ago,'

'Os nossos antigos, os antepassados de outros tempos,'

<sup>12</sup>Arrives at the end of the Death-Path, where he/she will find the ancient people.

### P. N. Cesarino, Armando Marubo & Robson Marubo

(102) *askásevi veikenaivorasĩ. askásevi* sml *vei-ke-na-ivo-rasĩ* death-compl-?-genr-col 'they also used to die.' <sup>13</sup> 'ficavam também morridos.'

(103) *Rave nokoma, rave nokoa, Vei Naí Shavaya nokoma, rave* part *noko-ma* arrive-neg *rave* part *noko-ma* arrive-neg *vei* death *naí* sky *shavaya* dwelling *noko-ma* arrive-neg 'Some didn't arrive, some didn't arrive, in the Death-Sky Dwelling they couldn't arrive,' 'Uns não chegavam, uns não chegavam, na Morada do Céu-Morte não chegavam.'

(104) *ravero nokoai, ravero nokoma, ravero nokoai. rave-ro* part-top *noko-ai* arrive-incp *rave-ro* part-top *noko-ma* arrive-neg *rave-ro* part-top *noko-ai* arrive-incp 'some arrived, some couldn't arrive, some arrived.' 'Uns chegavam, uns não chegavam, outros chegavam.'

(105) *Akarivi*

*aka-rivi* aux.trns-emp 'That's how it happened.' <sup>14</sup> 'Assim mesmo é.'

<sup>13</sup>Meaning that they also used to die or become transformed along the path, because of their lack of knowledge and/or good moral behavior.

<sup>14</sup>The narrative continues with the exposition of other dangers of the path, giving the sequence of the history of *Vei Maya*, as well as with its moral speculations (see Cesarino 2012 for the complete version).

### **Non-standard abbreviations**


### **References**


Fleck, David W. 2003. *A grammar of Matses*. Rice University dissertation.


## **Chapter 5**

## **Trumai**

Raquel Guirardello-Damian University of Bristol, England and Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi, Brazil

Kumaru Trumai

Tarukuy Trumai

### **1 Introduction**

The story of the Smooth-billed Ani (a type of bird in the cuckoo family<sup>1</sup> ) is a myth told by the Trumai people of the central region of Brazil. It was video recorded in 2000 by the author (Raquel Guirardello-Damian) and narrated by Kumaru Trumai, a middle-aged woman who has since died. She learned it from her father, Ɨnɨtɨarɨ, a great and respected storyteller. The myth was later transcribed and analyzed with the assistance of a young man, Tarukuy, who is bilingual in Trumai and Portuguese. The text is presented in its phonological form with IPA symbols, followed by English glosses and free translation. When necessary, comments are added in the footnotes.

### **2 The Trumai people and their language**

The Trumai live in the "Xingu Indigenous Land", at the northern edge of the Upper Xingu area. The group originally came from another land, located to the southeast of the Upper Xingu (Murphy &Quain 1955), and it is assumed that they moved to the Xingu region in the first half of the 19th century due to attacks by another tribe, possibly the Xavante (Villas Boas & Villas Boas 1970). Their initial

<sup>1</sup>The smooth-billed ani (*Crotophaga ani*) is a breeding species that lives in several regions across the Americas. It is a black bird, known in Portuguese as *anu* or *anu preto*.

### R. Guirardello-Damian, Kumaru Trumai & Tarukuj Trumai

Figure 1: Trumai villages in the Xingu Indigenous Land.

contacts with the local groups were not peaceful and led to some conflicts. When von den Steinen (1940) visited the region, in the second half of the 19th century, the Trumai still did not have good relations with the Upper Xinguan tribes, but eventually became integrated to the new environment.

The Upper Xingu is a multilingual and multi-ethnic regional system. Several groups live in the area, having different languages and historical backgrounds. However, they also share many common cultural features, observed especially in the activities of daily survival, diet, mythology, and inter/intra village rituals (Galvão & Simões 1966). Such cultural homogeneity was developed through the interaction of various factors, such as the isolation of the region, physical proximity of the groups, commerce and intertribal marriages, and groups' influence on each other. The Trumai people are the least integrated into this system. Although they share several of the Upper Xingu cultural practices, they also keep some of their own original traditions – for example, they do not take part in the *Kwarup* ceremony, an important intertribal ritual, and they eat certain kinds of animals that are forbidden to other Upper Xinguan groups (Monod-Becquelin 1975; Monod-Becquelin & Guirardello 2001).

The location of the Trumai villages in the Xingu reserve changed several times after their arrival in the area. Nowadays, their population is concentrated mainly in three villages: *Boa Esperança*, *Três Lagoas* (with inhabitants from the former

### 5 Trumai

village known as *Terra Preta*), and *Steinen*. There are also families living in cities close to the reserve. The community has more than 100 individuals, but the number of Trumai speakers is reduced, being approximately 50. Levels of proficiency vary among individuals, with the older speakers exhibiting broader and deeper linguistic knowledge. Children do not learn the language anymore, speaking Portuguese (the national language of Brazil) or another Xinguan language instead. Various historical factors contributed to its endangerment (cf. Guirardello 1999, preface).

With regard to genetic linguistic affiliations, Trumai is considered an isolate language (Rodrigues 1986; Kaufman 1994). In relation to the Xingu area, Trumai seems to have a unique status, not only in terms of genetic affiliation, but also with regard to typological features. For instance, it has ejective stops, sounds not observed in the other languages of the region (Seki 2000; Fargetti 1992; Dourado 2001; Emmerich 1980). It also employs positional verbs in locative and existential constructions, another fact not attested in other Xinguan languages (Guirardello-Damian 2007). It also has three dative markers, a quite interesting typological characteristic.

Trumai has four open classes (nouns, verbs, adjectives, and adverbs) and little inflectional morphology, i.e., words usually consist of a single morpheme. For nouns, there are two important subdivisions: (i) alienably possessed versus inalienably possessed nouns, with a further subdivision between body parts and kinship terms; (ii) animate versus inanimate nouns. These distinctions are observed in various points of the grammar. Trumai has five verbal classes and the case system exhibits an ergative-absolutive alignment, manifested through markers on NPs or the use of postpositions. There are also ergative alignments in syntax (Guirardello-Damian 2010). The basic word order is SOV, but variations of order are possible depending on pragmatic factors; the variations observed in negative clauses are particularly noteworthy (Guirardello 1999).

With regard to the phonological system, Trumai has six vowels (/i/, /e/, /ɨ/, /a/, /u/, /o/) and twenty three consonants (/p/, /t̪/, /t/, /d/, /k/, /ʔ/, /t'/, /t'/, /k'/, ̪ /ts/, /ts'/, /f/, /s/, /ʃ/, /x/, /h/, /m/, /n/, /l/, /ɬ/, /ɾ/, /w/, /j/). The vowels /e/ and /o/ have two allophones in free variation: [e] and [ɛ], [o] and [ɔ] respectively (cf. Guirardello 1999: 1–6).

### **3 The topic of the narrative**

The narrative presented here is related to issues of life and death. It explains the origins of the chanted cries and lamentations that the Trumai people perform

### R. Guirardello-Damian, Kumaru Trumai & Tarukuj Trumai

when mourning somebody's death. The story happens in mythological times, when animals were like human beings, having their own villages, conducting daily survival activities, and being able to speak. Thus, the main character in the story, the Smooth-billed Ani, has anthropomorphic features. One day he decides to play a trick on his grandmother. While she is in the fields collecting firewood, he stages a big scene in her house, pretending that she has died. He then performs some actions and crying, showing that he is sad for her death. The crying was later imitated by others and became part of the Upper Xinguan traditions for expressing sorrow.<sup>2</sup>

Trumai funeral practices were first documented by the ethnologist BuellQuain, who lived among them in 1938, although his description is brief. Further research conducted by the anthropologist Emmanuel de Vienne obtained many more details and revealed that the practices can be quite elaborate. The next paragraphs give an overview of the information provided by Murphy & Quain (1955) and De Vienne (personal communication).

In the Trumai funerary ceremony, the classic division is between the ones who dig the hole for the grave (*owowas xotkenke wan ̪* 'the hole diggers') and those who perform the crying (*watkanke wan* 'the ones who cry'). Ritual cries and lamentations begin from the moment of death. Close relatives cry by repeating the kinship term that bound them to the deceased person. The other relatives use the same formula, but also provide consolation to the close relatives by saying stereotyped expressions (e.g. "This is how it is, we cannot do anything"; "It is like this for us, humans"; "You have to be strong, because it happens to everyone"). The crying follows a particular melody and consists of the repetition of the vocative used to call the dead person (for example: *atseda* 'grandma', *ajej* 'grandpa', *atsiwe* 'mum', etc.). This vocative can be combined with expressions that convey compassion and sadness. In the myth below, we will see a concrete example of this.<sup>3</sup>

The ritual crying happens before and at the moment of burying the body. There is also the practice of "welcome in tears", which is a crying performed when relatives living far away arrive for the first time after the death, even several months later. The visitors start to cry loudly on their way to the village. The

<sup>2</sup> In a section about Trumai mythology, Murphy & Quain (1955: 73) apparently make a brief mention of this myth – although they refer to the smooth-billed ani as "crow", another black bird: "crow appeared as a trickster and, although not a creator deity, managed to bring forth new things in the process of his machinations."

<sup>3</sup>The tradition of executing ritual cries is also part of the death ceremonies of other Upper Xinguan tribes. For example, Guerreiro Júnior (2012: 441) describes the crying used in the funerary rituals of the Kalapalo people, which exhibits the same pattern as the Trumai one.

### 5 Trumai

close relatives of the deceased person then come to welcome them in the central square of the village and they go together to the grave in order to cry. There are further ritual cries in secondary funerary rituals, such as the Javari festivity.

Burial takes place in the central area of the village, which has a circular shape. On the day of death, or the next day (if it is necessary to wait for the arrival of relatives), three or four men who are distant relatives from the deceased ask permission to dig the grave. These man must not have children under the age of two, otherwise the spirit of the deceased person may bring diseases to the child. They proceed as the crying and lamentations continue. First, they measure the body with a bamboo in order to determine the size of the grave, which is prepared in the shape of a hole. The bottom widens to form a tunnel where the corpse will be placed. Chiefs, both male and female, are given a special burial treatment, since their grave has a tunnel with two exits. Special funerary treatments for chiefs are observed in other Upper Xingu groups as well, such as the Kuikuro (Heckenberger 2003).

After finishing their job, the diggers return to the dead person's house and start the ceremonial crying, then announce that it is time to bury the body, which is painted and adorned with feathers by a distant relative. They wrap and tie a hammock around the body, starting with the feet. The face is protected by a fiber mat (*tuwawi*) to prevent it from coming into contact with the soil/earth. Personal objects are placed inside the hammock: cooking utensils for women, bows and arrows for men. The remaining possessions are broken and burned or used to "pay" visitors and diggers. Guided by a close relative, the diggers carry the body through the front door, walk around the house several times, and enter through the back door. They do the same action inside, before going to the grave. During this time, cries and demonstrations of deep sadness continue.

The corpse is "interred lying on its back in an extended position" (Murphy & Quain 1955: 90).<sup>4</sup> The feet are placed towards the east, so that the soul of the deceased person faces the direction it should go. A shaman performs a ritual prayer in order to prevent it from coming back. This prayer is performed in the grave and all the places where the deceased person used to go (house, garden plot, etc.). The following day, the diggers go fishing and take the fish to the deceased person's house. A close relative takes them to the grave, where a shaman performs a prayer and blows tobacco smoke on the fish. This food is meant for spirits, which

<sup>4</sup>According to another text recorded with a Trumai speaker, chiefs would be buried in a different way: male chiefs (*aek*) would be buried in a standing position, while female chiefs (*aek pekts'a*) would be buried in a seated position. However, this information was not confirmed by De Vienne's consultants, thus it is not clear if it refers to a practice currently followed by the Trumai or to some older tradition.

### R. Guirardello-Damian, Kumaru Trumai & Tarukuj Trumai

are expected to be present in large numbers around the grave. After this, the fish are shared and distributed to the whole village. A fire is placed on the grave for the next three or four days, the time necessary for the deceased person's soul to go away to the village of the dead.

Figure 2: A Trumai village, with its central area

### **4 General aspects of the narrative**

Some of the procedures of the Trumai funerary practices – the ritual crying, the breaking and burning of the deceased's possessions, the wrapping of the body in a hammock – are observed in the narrative presented in the next section. As already mentioned, there are two central characters, the Smooth-billed Ani and his grandmother, with a third character appearing just briefly (his aunt). Events happen in chronological order, with one pause made by the narrator to make a comment about the Upper Xingu death rituals (lines 34-37).

With regard to the linguistic characteristics of the narrative, a visible feature is the use of kinship terms (*aɬahne* 'grandmother', *mako* 'aunt (mother's sister)', *doxo* 'grandchild') with their possessive marker (*tsi-* '3poss'). The text also employs motion verbs and directional auxiliaries, such as *lahmi* 'go uphill'. The occurrence of *k(e)tsi* is particularly interesting. In daily conversations, this auxiliary is employed to describe motion towards the place where the speaker is, often generating the sense of 'come' or 'bring' (Guirardello-Damian 2012), but

### 5 Trumai

in the case of this narrative, *k(e)tsi* is employed when somebody moves towards the place where the main character and key actions are (lines 29-31) – in other words, this auxiliary can also be used for a place that is the focus of the attention of the speaker and listener.

The text has various instances of hearsay particles and ideophones, which is not surprising, since they are often found in narratives. It is worth mentioning that some Trumai ideophones are similar in shape to the ones in Kamayurá, another Xinguan language (Guirardello-Damian 2014). This is the case of the ideophone for "walking" observed in the text (cf. Footnote 22).

There are occurrences of direct speech in the narrative, but they do not configure dialogues properly speaking. The main character (Smooth-billed Ani) does not talk to anyone in particular; rather, he talks in order to be heard by people in the village. The other character (his grandmother) talks to herself, wondering what is happening in her house. In her speech (lines 40 and 45), we find the particle *apa*, which indicates uncertainty by the speaker and can be broadly translated as 'I wonder'. The aunt is the only character who talks to a specific addressee, and in her speech we can see the 2nd person pronoun (*hi* 'you') or the 1st person inclusive (*ka a* 'we two (inclusive)', which contrasts with *ha a* 'we two (exclusive)', *ka wan* 'we – more than two (inclusive)' and *ha wan* 'we – more than two (exclusive)').

As a final note, it is interesting to mention that all verbal classes are represented in the text, since it contains several action verbs. For example: **class 1 (intransitives):** *kaʔʃɨ* 'walk'; **class 2 (transitives):** *husa* 'tie', *tsisi* 'burn'; *kiwa* 'abandon'; **class 3 (ditransitives):** *tsitsu* 'put'; **class 4 (intransitives with two positions):** *kuʔku* 'break', *huʔtsa* 'see', *faʔtsa* 'hear'; **class 5 (verbs with varied transitivity):** *naha* 'cut/break' (for more information about the verbal classes, cf. Guirardello-Damian 2010). The text also includes the verbs for crying: *watkan* 'to weep' (i.e. to shed tears when one is sad) and *ora* 'to cry intensely, screaming' (as small children do when they fall. This term can also be used for the cries of certain animals, such as monkeys). In the narrative, the occurrence of *ora* is much higher than *watkan*, which makes sense, since the main character is trying to get attention and provoke a commotion as part of his trick, thus his crying needs to be intense.

### R. Guirardello-Damian, Kumaru Trumai & Tarukuj Trumai


*tɾumaj* trumai *wan=kate̪* pl=gen *daint'a: ̪* old.times.narrative *kowow* Smooth-billed.Ani 'A Trumai narrative: the Smooth-billed Ani' 'Um mito Trumai: o Anu'<sup>6</sup>

(2) *inis hen tsile hen, tsiɬahne de kaʔʃɨ lahmi kut'aki de, ̪*

*inis* disc.con *hen* then *tsile* hearsay *hen* then *tsi-aɬahne* 3poss(kin)-grandmother *de* pitiful *kaʔʃɨ* walk *lahmi* go.uphill *kut'a=ki ̪* garden.plot=dat *de* already 'So, people say that his poor grandmother went walking to (her) garden plot,' 'Dizem que a coitada da avó dele foi caminhando para a roça,'<sup>7</sup>

(3) *kaʔʃɨ t'axer lahmin. ̪*

*kaʔʃɨ* walk *t'axer ̪* poorly *lahmi=n* go.uphill=3abs 'she left.' 'foi embora.'<sup>8</sup>

<sup>5</sup>Recordings of this story are available from https://zenodo.org/record/997451

<sup>6</sup>The term *daint'a* refers to both myths and historical narratives (i.e., facts from ancient times). <sup>7</sup>Two comments with regard to this sentence: (i) *inis* occurs in the first position of a clause and is often followed by the adverb *hen* 'then'. It can be analyzed internally as a combination of two morphemes (the demonstrative pronoun *in* plus the temporal marker *-is*, which would be literally translated as 'in this situation/event'), but its main role is as a discourse connector, with the sense of 'and then'. Sometimes*inis* can be replaced by *ina*, another possible connector; (ii) The adjective *de* indicates pity for the person being mentioned. The speaker talks in a touching and tender way.

<sup>8</sup>When Trumai speakers express motion events, they often use directional auxiliaries to further specify the type of motion: uphill, downhill, upriver, downriver, towards the village, towards the river, and so on (for more detail, cf. Guirardello-Damian 2012).

5 Trumai

(4) *husakwaʃ t'axeraɬ tsile api pit ̪ an, kaʔʃɨ lahmin hen. ̪*

*husa=kwaʃ* tie=thing.for *t'axer=a=ɬ ̪* modest/poor=ep.vw=dat *tsile* hearsay *api* grab *pita=n ̪* go.out=3abs *kaʔʃɨ* walk *lahmi=n* go.uphill=3abs *hen* then 'She went out (of her house) taking a rope (to tie firewood), and she left.'

'Saiu (da casa) levando uma corda (para amarrar lenha), e foi embora.'

(5) *kaʔʃɨ t'axer lahmin, kaʔʃɨ den lahmin. ̪*

*kaʔʃɨ* walk *t'axer ̪* poorly *lahmi=n* go.uphill=3abs *kaʔʃɨ* walk *den* aux? *lahmi=n* go.uphill=3abs 'She left, she disappeared (in the distance).' 'Foi embora andando e sumiu (na distância).'

(6) *ina hen tsiɬahne de kaʔʃɨ den lahmi hen.*

*ina* disc.con *hen* then *tsi-aɬahne* 3poss(kin)-grandmother *de* pitiful *kaʔʃɨ* walk *den* aux? *lahmi* go.uphill *hen* then 'His poor grandmother went walking and disappeared.' 'A coitada da avó foi caminhando e sumiu.'<sup>9</sup>

(7) *ina hen iji lat peʃ.kiwda=n ale de. kowow ji de.*

*ina* disc.con *hen* then *iji* prag.in *lat* lie *peʃ.kiwda=n* go.running=3abs *ale* hearsay *de.* already *kowow* Smooth-billed.Ani *ji* prag.in *de.* already

'Then he went (to her house) and started lying. He, the Smooth-billed Ani.'

'Então ele foi (para a casa dela) e começou a mentir. Ele, o Anu.'<sup>10</sup>

<sup>9</sup>Note that the speaker describes the same action several times (the grandmother left, she left). Such repetition is part of a narration strategy, in order to make the description of events more elaborate and interesting to follow.

<sup>10</sup>This sentence contains instances of the morpheme *(i)ji*, which occurs in NPs. This morpheme has a unique nature and its function is not not entirely clear, but it seems to be linked to pragmatic information. It presents two forms: *ji*, which occurs in NPs containing an element (i.e., a noun, pronoun or pluralizer), and *iji*, which can occur by itself in a NP (but only Absolutive NPs). We could analyze *iji* as a pronominal form (i.e., a dummy pronoun) and *ji* as some sort of modifier, however this analysis has its own limitations (cf. Guirardello-Damian 2005: 281-285). For the present text, I will use 'prag.in' as the gloss for this morpheme.

### R. Guirardello-Damian, Kumaru Trumai & Tarukuj Trumai

(8) *ina hen tsiɬahne dekte sopʃat ̪ ki daʔtsi.wawan ale, esak faxki de iji tsitsu de. ̪*

*ina* disc.con *hen* then *tsi-aɬahne* 3poss(kin)-grandmother *de=kte̪* pitiful=gen *sopʃat=ki ̪* firewood=dat *daʔtsi.wawa=n* gather=3abs *ale,* hearsay *esak* hammock *fax=ki* interior=dat *de* already *iji* prag.in *tsitsu* put *de* already

'He gathered his grandmother's firewood and put it in a hammock.' 'Ele juntou a lenha da avó e colocou dentro de uma rede.'<sup>11</sup>

(9) *det'a det ̪ 'a pits tsile, jaw pits' nawan de, esak faxki iji tsitsu le, jaw kuta ̪ nawan tsile.*

*det'a̪* well *det'a̪* well *pits* really/very *tsile* hearsay *jaw* human.being *pits'* foot *nawan* similar *de* already *esak* hammock *fax=ki* interior=dat *iji* prag.in *tsitsu* put *le* hearsay *jaw* human.being *kuta* head *nawan* similar *tsile*

hearsay

'Very perfectly, he put in the hammock a thing imitating a human foot, and (another) thing imitating a human head.'

'Bem direitinho, colocou na rede uma coisa imitando pé de gente, e (uma outra) coisa imitando uma cabeça.'

(10) *ina hen esak ji hen mal husa husa ke ine jik, det'a hen jaw atu tsula nawan ̪ de.*

*ina* disc.con *hen* then *esak* hammock *ji* prag.in *hen* then *mal*<sup>12</sup> edge *husa* tie *husa* tie *ke*<sup>13</sup> disloc.abs *ine* 3anaph.masc *ji=k* prag.in=erg *det'a* well *hen* then *jaw* human.being *atu̪* dead *tsula* be.lying *nawan* similar *de* already

<sup>11</sup>There are three variants of the hearsay particle: *ale* (after a verb with the 3abs enclitic), *le* (after a verb without the 3abs enclitic), and *tsile* (in other positions).

<sup>12</sup>In this example, the noun *mal* 'edge/border' is incorporated in the verb ('He border-tied the hammock'). Trumai allows noun incorporation (cf. Guirardello-Damian 2005: 225-226).

<sup>13</sup>The particle *ke* appears when the Absolutive NP is not in its typical position, which is right before the verb. This occurs when the Absolutive NP or the verb is fronted in order to be highlighted (as in this example — the word for 'hammock' (*esak*) is fronted).

### 5 Trumai

'Then he tied the hammock, it became very similar to a dead person lying.' 'Então ele amarrou a rede, ficou igualzinho a uma pessoa morta deitada.'

(11) *iji late ale de.*

*iji* prag.in *lat=e* lie=3abs *ale* hearsay *de* already 'He was pretending (that his grandmother had died).' 'Ele estava fingindo (que a avó tinha morrido).'

(12) *inis hen tsile iji oran ale:*

*inis* disc.con *hen* then *tsile* hearsay *iji* prag.in *ora=n* cry=3abs *ale* hearsay 'Then he cried:' 'Então chorou:'

(13) *"hele deke atseda ita fakdits? atseda it ̪ a …" ̪*

*hele* why *deke* emph *atseda* grandmother(voc) *ita̪* pitiful *fakdits* die *atseda* grandmother(voc) *ita̪* pitiful '"Why has my poor grandma died? Poor grandma …"' '"Por que a coitada da vovó morreu? Pobre vovó …"'<sup>14</sup>

(14) *det'a det ̪ 'a pits tsile tsiɬahne de faʃt ̪ aki iji kuʔkukman: too! ̪*

*det'a̪* well *det'a̪* well *pits* really/very *tsile* hearsay *tsi-aɬahne* 3poss(kin)-grandmother *de* pitiful *faʃta=ki ̪* belongings=dat *iji* prag.in *kuʔku=kma=n* break=perf=3abs *too* id:breaking 'Then he broke all of his grandmother's things: *too*!' 'Então ele quebrou todas as coisas da avó: *too*!'

<sup>14</sup>When the interrogative word *hele* is combined with the particle *deke*, the question has a more emphatic tone.

### R. Guirardello-Damian, Kumaru Trumai & Tarukuj Trumai

(15) *aɬat̪pates kuʔkun ale, inaɬkate murukuyu mut ̪ ̪t'axer, amusadipu mut ̪ ̪tsile.*

*aɬat̪* clay.pan *pat=e=s* small=ep.vw=dat *kuʔku=n* break=3abs *ale* hearsay *inaɬ=kate̪* 3anaph.fem=gen *murukuyu* red.paint *mut̪* wrapping/container *amusadipu* resin *mut̪* wrapping/container *tsile* hearsay 'He broke little clay pans, the basket with her red body paint, the basket for wax.' 'Quebrou panelinhas de barro, o urucum dela, a cestinha para cera cheirosa.'<sup>15</sup>


*ɨʔɨmastame ̪* commotion *tsile* hearsay *hen* then 'It was a commotion.' 'Foi uma agitação.'

(18) *naha nahan ale, det'a det ̪ 'a pits tsiɬahne faʃt ̪ a tsisi tsisikma le. ̪*

*naha* cut/break *naha=n* cut/break=3abs *ale* hearsay *det'a̪* well *det'a̪* well *pits* really/very *tsi-aɬahne* 3poss(kin)-grandmother *faʃta̪* belongings *tsisi* burn *tsisi=kma* burn=perf *le* hearsay 'He broke and burned all of his grandmother's things.'

'Ele quebrou e queimou todas as coisas da avó.'

<sup>15</sup>As previously mentioned, when Trumai individuals die, their possessions are broken. <sup>16</sup>There are various Trumai verbs that could be translated into English as 'break', but they have different nuances of meaning: *mapa* 'to break' (in general), *kuʔku* 'to break by hitting many times', *naha* 'cut or break with one single stroke'.

5 Trumai

(19) *ina iji ora muketsin ale hen. ina iji ora muketsi=n ale*

disc.con prag.in cry asp.aux=3abs hearsay then 'Then, he kept crying.' 'Então, continuou a chorar.'<sup>17</sup>

(20) *"hele deke atsedak ha kiwa? adɨ atseda …"*

*hele* why *deke* emph *atseda=k* grandmother(voc)=erg *ha* 1 *kiwa* leave.behind/abandon *adɨ* interj *atseda* grandmother(voc) '"Why has grandma left me? Oh poor grandma …"'

*hen*

'"Por que vovó me deixou? Oh coitada da vovó …"'

(21) *ora muketsin,*

*ora* cry *muketsi=n* asp.aux=3abs 'He kept crying,' 'Continuou chorando,'

(22) *aj de tsimako faʔtsa mula le de.*

*aj* by.then *de* already *tsi-mako* 3poss(kin)-aunt(mother's.sister) *faʔtsa* hear *mula* be.indoors *le* hearsay *de* already 'and his aunt heard him.' 'e a tia dele ouviu.'

(23) *"huk'anik, huta.kaʃ ka a huʔtsa kawa."*

*huk'anik huta.kaʃ ka a huʔtsa kawa*

expr later 1incl du see go

'"Wait, later we are going to see her (i.e., take care of her)."'

'"Espera, depois a gente vai vê-la (isto é, tomar conta dela)."'

<sup>17</sup>Apparently, *muketsi* is an aspectual auxiliary, but its meaning is not totally clear. It seems to indicate persistent action.

### R. Guirardello-Damian, Kumaru Trumai & Tarukuj Trumai

(24) *"ka anak t'axet ̪ 'axer ji hupda hupekawan," kale. ̪ ka* 1incl *ana=k* du=erg *t'axe-t ̪ 'axer ̪* rd-poor *ji* prag.in *hupda.hupekawa=n* ritual.cry=3abs *kale* like.this '"We will cry for her, poor her," his aunt said like this.' '"A gente vai chorar para ela, coitada," a tia disse assim.'<sup>18</sup>


It might be that *t'axer ̪* is not a modifier, but rather a noun with the sense of 'misfortune, wretched condition' and the noun that comes before it would be its possessor (something like: the wretched condition of the dog = the wretched dog). In the case of example (ii), *t'axer ̪* would be incorporated into the verb, a pattern attested in the language, as in example (iii.b) below:

	- 'I pulled Makarea's shirt.'
	- b. *hai=ts mut' t̪ uxaʔtsi=n. ̪* 1=erg clothing/wrapping pull=3abs 'I pulled his shirt (lit: I shirt-pulled him).'

It is possible to propose such an analysis given that other languages exhibit constructions similar to this one. For instance, in Portuguese one can say [*cachorro desgraçado*] or [*a desgraça do cachorro*] with the sense of 'wretched dog'. The literal translation of [*a desgraça do cachorro*] is 'the misfortune of the dog'. Thus, it might be that Trumai has a similar pattern.

<sup>18</sup>The morpheme *t'axer ̪* is usually employed with the sense of 'poor' or 'misfortuned', but it can also be used with an offensive tone (wretched, bastard). When used as an adverb, it has a sense of 'poorly' or 'in a modest way'. The pattern that we see in the sentence above is attested in other examples involving this morpheme: it can occur after a noun (as in (i) below), or it can occur without the noun if the verb receives the 3rd person enclitic *=n/=e* (as in (ii)).

5 Trumai

(25) *"in ka t'axet ̪ 'axer ji ora muketsin." ̪ in* that(place) *ka.in* foc/tens *t'axe-t ̪ 'axer ̪* rd-poor *ji* prag.in *ora* cry *muketsi=n* asp.aux=3abs '"He is there, crying" (his aunt said).' '"Ele está lá, chorando" (disse a tia).'<sup>19</sup>

(26) *"hi t'axer ji huʔtsa in⁈" ̪*

*hi* 2 *t'axer ̪* poor *ji* prag.in *huʔtsa* see *in* foc '"You see, you poor thing⁈"' '"Tá vendo, seu infeliz⁈"'

(27) *"hi aɬahneɬ ka ami ami kawala ke hi t'axer ji," kale. ̪*

*hi* 2 *aɬahne=ɬ* grandmother=dat *ka.in* foc/tens *ami* talk *ami* talk *kawala* habit *ke* disloc.abs *hi* 2 *t'axer ̪* poor *ji* prag.in *kale* like.this '"You always complain about your grandmother (but now she is gone)," his aunt said.' '"Você fica reclamando da sua avó (mas agora ela se foi)," disse a tia.'

(28) *ina hen tsile …*

*ina* disc.con *hen* then *tsile* hearsay 'And then …' 'E então…'

(29) *aj de… inis de tsiɬahne de wakaʔʃɨ lakoktsi de.*

*aj* by.then *de* already *inis* disc.con *de* already *tsi-aɬahne* 3poss(kin)-grandmother *de* pitiful *wa-kaʔʃɨ* mv-walk *lako=ktsi* go.downhill=go.present.place *de* already 'His grandmother was already coming back home.' 'A avó dele já estava voltando para casa.'

<sup>19</sup>The particle *ka.in* indicates focus, but at the same time also conveys information about the time when the event is taking place (now or in a recent past). In fast speech, it can appear in a reduced form (*ka*), as in the example above. With regard to its internal configuration, cf. Guirardello 1999: 169–178.

### R. Guirardello-Damian, Kumaru Trumai & Tarukuj Trumai

(30) *in ka tsinuk inaɬ t'axerak tsile sift̪'a ji de etsi lakoktsi ke. ̪ in* that(place) *ka.in* foc/tens *tsinuk* then *inaɬ* 3anaph.fem *t'axer=a=k ̪* poor=ep.vw=erg *tsile* hearsay *sift̪'a* firewood *ji* prag.in *de* already *etsi* take *lako=ktsi* go.downhill=go.present.place *ke* disloc.abs 'There (she was), she was bringing wood.' 'Lá (vinha ela), estava trazendo lenha.'

(31) *kaʔʃɨ t'axer lakoktsin ale hen. ̪*

*kaʔʃɨ* walk *t'axer ̪* poorly *lako=ktsi=n* go.downhill=go.present.place=3abs *ale* hearsay *hen.* then 'She was coming back.' 'Estava voltando.'

(32) *faʔtsan ale hen tsidoxo ji watkan fapt'aki de tsile: ̪*

*faʔtsa=n* hear=3abs *ale* hearsay *hen* then *tsi-doxo* 3poss(kin)-grandchild *ji* prag.in *watkan* weep *fapta=ki ̪* sound=dat *de* already *tsile* hearsay 'Then she heard her grandson (the Smooth-billed Ani) weeping:' 'Então ela ouviu o neto (o Anu) chorando:'

(33) *"atseda ita, atseda it ̪ a …" ̪*

*atseda* grandmother(voc) *ita̪* pitiful *atseda* grandmother(voc) *ita̪* pitiful '"Poor grandma, poor grandma …"' '"Pobre vovó, pobre vovó …"'<sup>20</sup>

(34) *det'a det ̪ 'a pits tsile, oran ale. ̪*

*det'a̪* well *det'a̪* well *pits* really/very *tsile* hearsay *ora=n* cry=3abs *ale* hearsay

'With great attention, he cried (and by doing so, he invented the crying for mourning someone's death).'

<sup>20</sup>The Trumai ritual crying involves the repetition of a vocative (in this case, *atseda*) plus a word that conveys compassion (*ita̪*). Similarly to the adjective *de*, *ita̪* is also used to indicate pity and compassion for the person being mentioned. However, the meaning of *ita̪* is more specific - it is used for a person who is at risk of dying, or for one who has died. The term is employed to express sadness for the situation.

### 5 Trumai

'Bem direitinho, ele chorou (e ao fazer isso, inventou o choro usado para expressar tristeza pela morte de alguém).'

(35) *adis wan oratkes int ̪ 'a nawan kadein, ̪*

*adis* Xinguan.Indian *wan* pl *ora=tke=s ̪* cry=des=temp *in=t'a̪* that=pst *nawan* similar *ka.de.in* foc/tens 'Thus when the Indians of the Upper Xingu want to cry (in a death ritual), it's like that,' 'Por isso, quando os povos do Alto Xingu querem chorar (em um ritual funerário), é assim,'

(36) *niʔde adispa wan ora le de in.*

*niʔde* dem *adis-pa* Xinguan.Indian-collec *wan* pl *ora* cry *le* hearsay *de* already *in* foc 'all these Indians cry (like that).' 'todos esses índios choram (desse jeito).'

(37) *wan oran, ine orat' ji letsi de wan oran ale. ̪*

*wan* pl *ora=n* cry=3abs *ine* 3anaph.masc *ora=t'̪* cry=result.of *ji* prag.in *letsi* ins *de* already *wan* pl *ora=n* cry=3abs *ale* hearsay 'They cry using his way of crying.'

'Eles choram usando o choro dele (do Anu).'<sup>21</sup>

(38) *det'a det ̪ 'a pits hen tsile. ̪*

*det'a̪* well *det'a̪* well *pits* really/very *hen* then *tsile* hearsay '(He was doing it) very well.' '(Ele estava fazendo) bem direitinho.'

(39) *kaale hen tsiɬahne de kaʔʃɨ lakoktsi le: tɨk! kaale* there(far) *hen* then *tsi-aɬahne* 3poss(kin)-grandmother *de* pitiful *kaʔʃɨ* walk

<sup>21</sup>The morpheme *=t'/=t'a* is a nominalizer with slightly different meanings, depending on the type of word it modifies. With nouns, it produces the sense of 'past X'. With verbs, the sense is 'the result of an action'.

### R. Guirardello-Damian, Kumaru Trumai & Tarukuj Trumai

*lako=ktsi* go.downhill=go.present.place *le* hearsay *tɨk* id:walking 'His grandmother was already coming: *tɨk*!' 'A avó dele já estava vindo: *tɨk*!'<sup>22</sup>

(40) *"t'axet ̪ 'axer ji lat' mulan apa?" ̪*

*t'axe-t ̪ 'axer ̪* rd-bastard *ji* prag.in *lat'* lie *mula=n* be.indoors *apa* part(I.wonder) '"Is this bastard lying?" (she said).' '"Esse desgraçado está mentindo?" (disse ela).'

(41) *pookal! t'axer kuhmu patan ale. ̪*

*pookal* id:throwing *t'axer ̪* poor *kuhmu* throw *pata=n* arrive=3abs *ale* hearsay 'She arrived throwing (her wood) on the floor: *pookal*!' 'Ela chegou jogando (a lenha) no chão: *pookal*!'

(42) *kaale tsiɬahne pumut'a, manlopits iji peʃ pit ̪ an ale. ̪*

*kaale* there *tsi-aɬahne* 3poss(kin)-grandmother *pumu-t'a̪* enter-result.of *manlopits* at.once *iji* prag.in *peʃ* run *pita=n ̪* go.out=3abs *ale.* hearsay

'The moment his grandmother entered there (in her house), he immediately left running.' 'Quando a avó entrou lá (na casa dela), logo ele saiu correndo.'

(43) *endenʃe ita iji ora tsuketsin ale. ̪*

*endenʃe* island *ita̪* all *iji* prag.in *ora* cry *tsuketsi=n* go.directly=3abs *ale* hearsay

'Crying, he went straight to an island in the river.' 'Foi chorando direto para uma ilha no rio.'

(44) *"okaa … aa …"*

'"Okaa … aa …" (he stayed there crying).' '"Okaa … aa …" (ficou lá chorando).'

<sup>22</sup>This sentence contains the ideophone used for expressing the action of walking. It is usually repeated several times: *tɨk, tɨk, tɨk*. For further information about Trumai ideophones, cf. Guirardello-Damian 2014.

5 Trumai

(45) *"t'axet ̪ 'axer ji lat' muketsin apa?" ̪*

*t'axe-t ̪ 'axer ̪* rd-bastard *ji* prag.in *lat'* lie *muketsi=n* asp.aux=3abs *apa?* part(I.wonder) '"Will this bastard keep lying?" (his grandmother said).' '"Esse desgraçado vai ficar mentindo?" (disse a avó).'<sup>23</sup>

(46) *ina hen tsiɬahne dek kaʔsa t'axer pupen ale, ̪*

*ina* disc.con *hen* then *tsi-aɬahne* 3poss(kin)-grandmother *de=k* pitiful=erg *kaʔsa* hammock *t'axer ̪* poor *pupe=n* untie=3abs *ale* hearsay 'Then his grandmother untied her poor hammock,' 'Então a avó desamarrou a pobre rede dela,'

(47) *inaɬkate sopʃat ̪ ̪t'axer pat ̪ a.pat ̪ a le hen. ̪*

*inaɬ=kate̪* 3anaph.fem=gen *sopʃat̪* firewood *t'axer ̪* poor *pata.pat ̪ a̪* to.place *le* hearsay *hen* then '(took) the wood out and placed it (on the floor).' '(tirou) a lenha e colocou-a (no chão).'

(48) *ina hen… aj de iji kuʔkuman ale.*

*ina* disc.con *hen* then *aj* by.then *de* already *iji* prag.in *kuʔku=kma=n* break=perf=3abs *ale* hearsay 'He had broken everything.' 'Ele tinha quebrado tudo.'

(49) *ina hen tsiɬahne de huʔtsa pata le faʃt ̪ a t ̪ 'axer mapa mapat ̪ 'aɬ, aɬat ̪ ̪pat …*

*ina* disc.con *hen* then *tsi-aɬahne* 3poss(kin)-grandmother *de* pitiful *huʔtsa* see *pata̪* arrive *le* hearsay *faʃta̪* belongings *t'axer ̪* poor *mapa* break *mapa=t'a=ɬ ̪* break=result.of=dat *aɬat̪* clay.pan *pat* small

'Then his grandmother went and saw the broken pieces of her things, the little clay pans …'

'Então a avó foi e viu as coisas dela quebradas, as panelinhas de barro…'

<sup>23</sup>In another version of this myth obtained by De Vienne (2010: 200), the grandmother tells the Smooth-billed Ani to transform itself into a spirit and stay near the water. And since then, this kind of bird can be heard crying in the low vegetation on the banks of a river.

### R. Guirardello-Damian, Kumaru Trumai & Tarukuj Trumai


*ina* disc.con *hen* then *tsile* hearsay *hen* then *tsula* lie *t'axer=e ̪* poorly=3abs *ale* hearsay 'Then she lay down, sad (thinking about her things).' 'Então ela ficou deitada, triste (pensando nas coisas dela).'

(52) *inande.*

*inande* part.disc 'That's it (the story is over).' 'É isso (fim).'

### **Acknowledgments**

I would like to thank Bruna Franchetto and Kristine Stenzel for their detailed and constructive comments, and Emmanuel de Vienne, who generously shared his field notes with me, providing information about Trumai ritual practices. I would also like to express my sincere thanks and appreciation to the Trumai consultants, in particular Tarukuy, who helped with the transcription, and Kumaru, who was always a very dedicated and patient consultant, kindly receiving me in her home and teaching me her language. She is greatly missed.

### 5 Trumai

Figure 3: Kumaru, the narrator of the Trumai myth

Figure 4: Kumaru in her village, with relatives

### **Non-standard abbreviations**


### **References**


Emmerich, Charlotte. 1980. *A fonologia segmental da língua Txikão: Um exercício de análise*. Departamento de Antropologia, Museu Nacional/UFRJ dissertation.


## **Part II Beginnings**

### **Chapter 6**

## **Kotiria**

Kristine Stenzel Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

Teresinha Marques

José Galvez Trindade

Miguel Wacho Cabral

### **1 Introduction**

This narrative recounts the origin of the sacred cemeteries of the Kotiria people.<sup>1</sup> The Kotiria are one of the sixteen East Tukano groups,<sup>2</sup> living in the upper Rio Negro border region between Brazil and Colombia in northwestern Amazonia and whose total population is approximately twenty-six thousand.<sup>3</sup> There are some 2000 Kotiria, most of whom live in traditional communities located along the Vaupés river, a territory they have occupied for at least seven centuries (Stenzel 2013: 10).

The Sacred Cemeteries narrative was recorded on September 20, 2005, during a community workshop on Kotiria geography and history organized by the *Khumuno Wʉ'ʉ Kotiria* Indigenous School. Participants in this five-day workshop included students, teachers, family members, and elders from several different

<sup>3</sup>According to information from the Instituto Socioambiental (ISA)-PIB online <http://pib. socioambiental.org/en>, and the Colombian 2005 and Brazilian 2010 national censuses.

Kristine Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral. 2017. Kotiria. In Kristine Stenzel & Bruna Franchetto (eds.), *On this and other worlds: Voices from Amazonia*, 189–275. Berlin: Language Science Press. DOI:10.5281/zenodo.1008783

<sup>1</sup>Although they are also identified as Wanano or Guanano, the traditional, self-determined name Kotiria 'water people' is used here at the request of the speakers.

<sup>2</sup>These are the Kotiria, Bará (Waimajã), Barasana, Desano, Karapana, Kubeo, Makuna, Pisamira, Siriano, Taiwano (Eduuria), Tanimuka (Retuarã), Tatuyo, Tukano, Tuyuka, Wa'ikhana (Piratapuyo), and Yuruti.

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

Kotiria villages, who gathered together in *Koama Phoaye* (Carurú Cachoeira), the largest Kotiria community on the Brazilian side of the Vaupés (see Figure 2). Several non-indigenous outsiders were also present, including the organizer of this chapter, linguist Kristine Stenzel, and two pedagogical consultants, Dr. Marta Maria Azevedo and Lucia Alberta Andrade de Oliveira. At the time, Azevedo was one of the coordinators of the Educational Program of the Instituto Socioambiental, and Andrade had been working as a pedagogical aid on-site with the Kotiria school for many months (for more on the history of the school, see de Oliveira, Trindade & Stenzel (2012)). Workshop activities included map-making, text-writing, research on the history of individual villages, and visits to important regional landmarks. Many of the written materials and illustrations produced during the workshop were later gathered in a book entitled *Phanopʉ, Mipʉ Mahka Bu'erithu* 'Past and Present, Studies of our Origins', from which the illustration at the end of the narrative was taken. There were also a number of talks on different historical topics proffered by invited elders, one of whom was the much-respected author of our narrative, Teresinha Marques.

Figure 1: Teresinha Marques

Teresinha and her family came to the workshop every day from the nearby village of *Bʉhka Khopa* (Matapí, Colombia, see Figure 3), which is the traditional home of one of the highest ranked Kotiria sibs, the *Biari Pho'na* (children/descendants of *Biari*, one of *Dianumia Yairo*'s sons).

The knowledge Teresinha shares was passed down from her own father and was not

widely known; indeed, many participants in the workshop were learning about this important episode in Kotiria history for the first time. Teresinha's fifteenminute narrative was filmed and later integrated into the Kotiria Linguistic and Cultural Archive.<sup>4</sup> Co-author José Galvez Trindade introduces her to the audience at the beginning of the recording and interacts with her at several points

<sup>4</sup>All materials in this archive have been deposited at the Endangered Languages Archive, SOAS, University of London https://elar.soas.ac.uk/Collection/MPI132528 and at the PRODOCLIN Archive at the Muséu do Índio/FUNAI, Brazil, with open access granted by the community.

6 Kotiria

Figure 2: The Upper Rio Negro Region, showing the traditional territory of the Kotiria people on the Vaupés river. (Source: Stenzel 2013: 9)

during the narrative. He was later involved in the initial transcription and translation of the narrative in 2010, and additional detailed analysis was accomplished with the help of co-author Miguel Cabral in 2016.

The series of dramatic and tragic events leading to the origin of the Kotiria sacred cemeteries unfold against a backdrop of significant features of Kotiria cosmology and social organization.<sup>5</sup> Like all Tukanoan groups, the Kotiria have an origin myth in which pre-human beings, still in a state of "transformation", travel underwater upriver in an anaconda canoe from the Milk Lake to their territory on the Vaupés. Stopping at many places along the way ("houses of transformation"), they slowly acquire knowledge, techniques, instruments, encantations or "blessings", dances, and adornments — essential elements that contribute to their transformation into a fully human state.<sup>6</sup> Once reaching the headwaters of the Vaupés, their anaconda canoe turns around, and the mythical ancestors of the different Kotiria kin groups emerge at the places where parts of its body surface.

<sup>5</sup>Comprehensive ethnographic analysis of the Kotiria can be found in works by Chernela (1983; 1993; 2004; 2013), among others. For an overview of aspects of shared regional culture, see Epps & Stenzel (2013) and the references cited there.

<sup>6</sup> For similar accounts for other groups, see also Cabalzar (2008: 165) and Andrello (2012).

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

Those emerging closer to the anaconda's head are considered the higher ranked "older" brothers, those closer to the tail are "younger" brothers. A third, "servant" group, the *Wiroa*, originated separately from birds. Thus, the twenty-five or so Kotiria sibs are organized into three larger groupings with the symbolic roles of "chiefs", "dancers/masters of ceremonies", and "servants/cigar holders" (Chernela 1983, Chernela 1993: 5-15, 51-59; Waltz & Waltz 1997 offers slightly different sib names, numbers and relative rankings). Each individual in Kotiria society inherits a fixed rank in the social hierarchy as a descendant from an ancestral sibling and is highly aware of the roles and responsibilities associated with that rank.

The four main protagonists in Teresinha's Sacred Cemeteries narrative belong to the highest ranked, *Biari* group: they are *Ñahori*, his older brother *Diani*, and younger brother *Yuhpi Diani*, sons of the great ancestor shaman *Dianumia Yairo*. As is the case in many tales of betrayal, vengeance, and bloodshed, this one begins with a dispute over a woman. *Ñahori*, living in *Mukʉ Dʉhpʉri* (see Figure 3) with his own two wives and two children, has promised to capture a new bride for his younger brother *Yuhpi Diani*. However, when *Ñahori* returns with the woman, older brother *Diani* lays claim to her. *Ñahori* goes to *Yuhpi Diani* in *Khãnʉhko* to tell him what has happened, and an indignant *Yuhpi Diani* tries to capture her back, but is unsuccessful. Angered and feeling betrayed, *Yuhpi Diani* prepares an attack on *Ñahori*, who manages to send his wives and children away to safety and bravely resists, but is eventually killed by *Yuhpi Diani*'s men. They set fire to all the houses in *Mukʉ Dʉhpʉri*, and the smoke is seen from afar by *Diani* and the people of *Bʉhka Khopa*. They go downriver to investigate and find the burned homes. Searching for survivors, they eventually entice the terrified wives and children out of hiding and then come across *Ñahori*'s charred body.

*Diani* returns home and tells *Dianumia Yairo* what has transpired. He ignores *Dianumia Yairo*'s plea for the dispute not to escalate any further, and begins preparations to avenge *Ñahori*'s death. *Dianumia Yairo* reluctantly blesses *Diani* and his warriers, embuing them with valor and violent spirit to ensure their victory in battle. They travel downstream and wage a furious attack on *Yuhpi Diani* and his men in *Khãnʉhko. Diani*'s men prevail, forcing *Yuhpi Diani* to escape inland to *Khãphotai*, where he and his men build a fortress with a high lookout platform from which*Yuhpi Diani* hopes to be able to see his attackers approach. In the meantime, *Dianumia Yairo* has come downriver and tries one last time to convince *Diani* to call off the war, but to no avail. In the middle of the night, *Diani*'s men transform themselves into worms and tunnel into the fortress. They trick *Yuhpi Diani* into coming down from the platform, and subsequently capture and dismember him.

Figure 3: Sites in the Sacred Cemeteries Narrative, by Miguel Cabral Junior.

*Diani* and his warriors go back to *Bʉhka Khopa* to report their success and celebrate the victory. However, *Dianumia Yairo* is saddened and disheartened by the terrible consequences of his sons' failure to obey social norms — breaking promises and warring against each other — and so announces that he will remove himself to another world, taking with him sacred instruments, adornments, and knowledge. He gathers his sacred objects and together with his two jaguar-dogs, goes up a hill called *Kharẽ Khutu* where he sits and slowly enters the ground alive. After a few days, tremendous thunder announces that he has entered completely, establishing *Bu'i Kho'to*, the burial site for his own *Biari* descendants. Teresinha explains that three other cemeteries were later established for the descendants of the other brothers, each group having its own proper burial place, as divided in death as their ancestors had become in life.

Teresinha's narrative takes us on a journey into Kotiria culture, and at the same time allows us to observe prominant features of Kotiria narrative discourse

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

and grammatical structure.<sup>7</sup> Like all Tukanoan languages, Kotiria is highly synthetic, agglutinative (except in certain verbal inflectional paradigms), and almost exclusively suffixing. It has nominative-accusative syntactic alignment and clear OV word order, with the position of subjects conditioned by discourse-pragmatic considerations. New, topical subjects (often full lexical noun phrases), tend to occur clause-initially, coinciding with the left-edge default focus position. Already known, continuing-topic subjects (commonly in pronominal form), tend to occur clause-finally, but any constituent whose identity is inferable from context can be a null element (Stenzel 2015). Clause-level grammatical relations are established by a combination of fairly rigid OV order, limited subject agreement morphology on verbs, and dependent-marking by means of a small case system. A single 'objective case' suffix *–re* (glossed as -obj) occurs on all indirect objects and is differentially marked on direct objects; it is also found on many temporal and locative constituents. Referential status, interacting with distinctions of animacy and definiteness, is the key to understanding 'objective case' marking in this system (Stenzel 2008b). The other case markers are the locative suffixes *-pʉ* or *-i* and the clitic =~*be're*, marking NPs with commitative or instrumental semantic roles.

Kotiria has two basic word classes: nouns and verbs. Both adverbial and adjectival notions are formed from stative "quality" verbs that undergo nominalization in order to function as nominal predicates or as modifiers (Stenzel forthcoming). Kotiria's rich system of noun classification morphology — coding distinctions of countability, animacy, shape, and utility — permeates the grammar, performing a variety of concordial, derivational, and referential functions. Root serialization is extremely productive in verbal words, and is used to express a wide range of adverbial, aspectual, modal, and spatial distinctions (Stenzel 2007a). Verbal morphology includes optional polarity, modal, and aspectual markers, as well as obligatory inflection coding person, aspect, and "clause modality" for different sentential moods. All declarative (realis) statements must be marked by one of five categories of evidentiality: visual, non-visual, inference, assertion, or reported (Stenzel 2008a; Stenzel & Gomez-Imbert 2018).

Prominent characteristics of discourse include several types of linking mechanisms. Generic "summary-head" expressions, such as *ãyoa* 'so, then / doing that / because of that' and *ãni* 'saying that', respectively mark the close of event and dialog paragraphs, while full tail-head adverbial clause linking strategies create cohesion between sentences. These linking structures interact with a switch-

<sup>7</sup> Interesting examples and details of particular structures will be noted throughout the text; see Stenzel 2013 for a comprehensive descriptive grammatical analysis.

### 6 Kotiria

reference marking system operating within the resulting complex sentences. Subordinate clauses with the same subject as the main clause are nominalized by cross-referencing noun class markers. If there is a change to a new subject accompanied by a shift in focus, the 'different-subject' suffix *-chʉ* is used (Stenzel 2015; 2016). Teresinha's discourse moreover shows that a specific nominalizer is used for broader "event" or "locational/situational" subordinate clauses.

There are several additional features of Teresinha's discourse that deserve special mention. One of these is how she recreates events and dramatically underscores the fact that they actually occurred *right there*, in the immediate surroundings, through her use of deictic elements (including a distal imperative (see line 110), spatial and motion expressions, onomatopoeia and gestures. It is also interesting to note how Teresinha interacts with her audience, stepping out of the role of narrator at several points to make comments, ask questions, or remind her listeners that they are themselves descendants of the story's protagonists. The result is a mixture of epic narrative and highly personal commentary by a much esteemed and respected Kotiria elder.

Presentation of the narrative gives the Kotiria orthographic representation on the first line, and free translations in English and Portuguese on the final two lines. The second line gives the underlying, segmented representation that includes some important phonological information. Morphemic nasalization is indicated by a tilde [ ~ ] preceding an inherently [+nasal] morpheme, and an apostrophe indicates glottalization, which is perceived as a glottal stop and is often accompanied by laryngealization of vowels (see Stenzel 2007b; Stenzel & Demolin 2013). Tone is represented at the word level, with High tone indicated by the acute accent [ ´ ] and Low tone left unmarked. Phrase and sentence-level tonal phenomena, including sentence-final downstep patterns, are not represented. The third line gives corresponding glosses, with a list of non-standard abbreviations provided at the end of the text.

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

### **Introduction by José Galvez Trindade**


*~ó-í* deic.prox-loc.vis *caruru-i* caruru-loc.vis *hí-ha* cop-vis.ipfv.1 'We're here in Carurú Cachoeira.' 'Estamos aqui em Carurú Cachoeira.'

### **2 Mahsa khõ'akho'topori**

### **'Kotiria sacred cemeteries'**

### **'Cemetérios sagrados dos Kotiria'**<sup>9</sup>

(4) *mahsa khõ'akho'topori*

*~basá* people *~kho'á-kho'to-pori* bone-proper.place-pl.place 'Sacred burial places/cemeteries'

'Cemitérios sagrados'

<sup>8</sup> José uses the kinship term specifically for one's father's sister (a paternal aunt, real or classificatory).

<sup>9</sup>Recordings of this story are available from https://zenodo.org/record/997439

6 Kotiria

(5) *a'rina ñarananumia wi'i, yʉ durukuare thʉ'oduayu'ka.*

*a'rí-~da* dem.prox-pl *~yará-~da-~dubia* white.people-pl-pl.f *wi'í* arrive.cis *yʉ=dú-ruku-a-re* 1sg.poss=speak-stand-pl-obj *thʉ'ó-dua-yu'ka* hear-des-rep.qot<sup>10</sup> 'These white ladies have come wanting to hear my stories.' (I was told) 'Chegaram nossas assessoras brancas querendo ouvir minhas histórias.' (me disseram)

(6) *yʉ'ʉ tire michare ya'uko tako niha. yʉ'ʉ́* 1sg *tí-re* anph-obj *~bichá-ré* today-obj *ya'ú-ko* tell-f *tá-ko* come-f *~dí-ha* prog-vis.ipfv.1 '(So) today I'm coming to tell (them).'<sup>11</sup> '(Então) hoje estou vindo contar.'

(7) *yʉ'ʉ hiha wãri khutiro biari pho'nakoro. yʉ'ʉ́* 1sg *hí-ha* cop-vis.ipfv.1 *~wárí* wãri *khútíró* khutiro *bíári* biari *~pho'dá-kó-ró* descendants12-f-sg 'I'm a descendant of *wãri khutiro biari*.' 'Sou descendente de *wãri khutiro biari*.'

<sup>10</sup>Use of reported evidentials is relatively rare in narratives. Teresinha employs the quotative evidential here, and in line 12, as a polite reported speech strategy indicating, but not directly identifying, the original speaker who had invited her to tell her stories. In fact, the invitation to speak came from José Trindade (Joselito), who was present and introduced her at the beginning of the recording. See lines 20-22, 26, and 173 for additional interesting uses of the reported evidential.

<sup>11</sup>This sentence contains two nominalized verbs, *ya'u* 'tell', as the complement of the purposive construction 'come to X', and *ta* 'come', as the complement of the progressive formed with the auxiliary copula *ni*. This auxiliary copula is cognate to the primary copula found in many Tukanoan languages (Stenzel & Gomez-Imbert 2018), while the primary copula in Kotiria is *hi*, seen in the next line. See lines 25, 289, and 299 for instances of *ni* used with copular semantics, rather than as a component of the progressive construction.

<sup>12</sup>The root *pho'na* literally means 'children' or 'offspring' (e.g. in lines 75, 95, 97, and 117), but is used metaphorically here to refer to the descendants of a specific mythical ancestor, and in lines 52, 58 (and others) to refer to people over whom one has control, such as servants or warriers.

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral


*yʉ=~wabá* 1sg.poss=name *so'tóá-í* end-loc.vis *hí-ra* cop-vis.ipfv.2/3 *yʉ'ʉ́-ré* 1sg-obj *bu'sáná* bu'sana *phokó* phoko *~wabá-tí-há* name-vbz-vis.ipfv.1 *yʉ'ʉ́* 1sg '(And)<sup>13</sup> this is my last (traditional) name, what I'm called is *bu'sana phoko*.' '(E) meu sobrenome (nome tradicional), me chamam de *bu'sana phoko*.'

(10) *wãri khutiro biaripho'nakoro.*

*~wárí* wãri *khútíró* khutiro *bíári-~pho'da-ko-ro* biari-descendants-f-sg 'I'm a woman of the *wãri khutiro biari* group.' 'Sou mulher do grupo *wãri khutiro biari*.'

(11) *yʉ phʉkʉ yʉ'ʉre hire wĩhoa.*

*yʉ=phʉkʉ́* 1sg.poss=father *yʉ'ʉ́-ré* 1sg-obj *hí-re* cop-vis.pfv.2/3 *~wihóá* wihoa ͂ 'For me, my father was *wihoa ͂* .' (I knew him as *wihoa ͂* , his traditional name.) 'Para mim, meu pai era *wĩhoa*.' (Eu o conheci como *wihoa ͂* , seu nome

(12) *tire a'rina thʉ'oduayu'ka.*

tradicional.)

*tí-re* anph-obj *a'rí-~da* dem.prox-pl *thʉ'ó-dua-yu'ka* hear-des-rep.qot 'These (visitors) want to hear (stories).' (I'm told) 'Esses (visitantes) querem ouvir (histórias).' (Me disseram)

<sup>13</sup>There are no overt conjunctions in Kotiria, so these and other elements understood from context are given in parentheses in the translation lines.

6 Kotiria

(13) *ã yoako, yʉ'ʉ tire michadahchore noano me'ne a'rinakinare, yʉ mahsiapokane yʉ thʉ'otuare yʉ'ʉ durukukota.*

*~a=yóá-kó* so=do-f *yʉ'ʉ́* 1sg *tí-re* anph-obj *~bichá-dáchó-ré* today-day-obj *~dóá-ro=~be're* good-sg=com *a'rí-~da-~kida-re* dem.prox-pl-pl.rsp-obj *yʉ=~basí-a-poka-re* 1sg.poss=know-pl-little-obj *yʉ=thʉ'ó-tu-a-re* 1sg.poss=hear-think-pl-obj *yʉ'ʉ́* 1sg *dú-ruku*14*-ko-ta* speak-stand-f-intent 'So, today with pleasure I'm going to tell them a little of what I know, what I understand.'

'Por isso vou contar hoje com prazer um pouco do que eu sei, do que entendo.'

(14) *a'ri hiri hire wa'manopʉre da'poto.*

*a'rí* dem.prox *hí-ri* cop-nmlz *hí-re* cop-vis.pfv.2/3 *~wa'bá*15*-ro-pʉ-re* young/new-sg-loc-obj *da'pó-tó* origin/roots-nmlz.loc/evnt

(Sigh and moment of silence). 'These are stories about what happened in the origin times.'

(Suspiro e momento de silêncio). 'Essas histórias são sobre o que aconteceu nos tempos de origem.'

(15) *pha'muri mahsa õre pha'muyohataa.*

*~pha'bú-rí* originate-nmlz *~basá* people *~ó-ré* deic.prox-obj

<sup>14</sup>The serial verb construction *du-ruku* 'speak-stand' means to talk for an extended period of time. It can be used to refer to a single speaker making a speech, bragging (see line 144), or offering a narrative, but can also indicate multiple speakers singing, chanting (see line 236), or having a conversation together. The posture verb *duku* 'stand' (here [ruku], indicating lexicalization) contributes a continuative aspectual reading, and can occur with other verbs, e.g. 'lie-stand' in line 131.

<sup>15</sup>All "adjectival" notions in Kotiria are expressed by stative verbs, e.g. *wa'ma* 'to be young' or 'to be new'. To simplify the glosses, only the qualitative semantics, e.g. young/new/good/evil are given in the gloss line.

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

*~pha'bú-yóhá-tá-á* originate-go.upriver-come-assert.pfv 'The origin beings appeared coming upriver here.' 'Os seres de transformação apareceram subindo pelo rio aqui.'

(16) *duhkusʉ̃yʉ ñʉhchʉsʉmʉa wʉ'ʉsekho'topori khʉaa õre matapi.*

*dukú-~sʉ*<sup>16</sup> stand-arrive.trns *yʉ=~yʉchʉ́-~sʉ́bʉ́á* 1sg.poss=grandfather-pl:kin *wʉ'ʉ́-sé(ri)-kho'to-pori* house-pl:row-proper.place-pl:place *khʉá-a* have-assert.pfv *~ó-ré* deic.prox-obj *matapi* matapi.village

'Arriving, my ancestors established their houses (their rightful place) here in Matapi.'

'Chegando, meus antepassados estabeleceram suas casas (seu lugar próprio) aqui em Matapi.'

(17) *to hira, bʉhkakhopa wamatira.*

*tó* def *hí-ra* cop-vis.ipfv.2/3 *bʉhkákhópá* bʉhka.khopa *~wabá-tí-rá* name-vbz-vis.ipfv.2/3 'That place is called *bʉhkakhopa*.'

'Esse lugar se chama *bʉhkakhopa*.'

(18) *ñarana nia … matapi nina ti mahkare.*

*~yará-~dá* white.people-pl *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv *matapi* matapi.village *~dí-ra* say-vis.ipfv.2/3 *ti=~baká-re* anph=village17-obj 'White people say … (they) call that village Matapi.'

'Os brancos dizem … chamam essa aldeia de Matapi.'

<sup>16</sup>Kotiria has a number of motion verbs with specific deictic semantics, such as two "arrive" verbs: *sʉ̃* 'to arrive there (translocative motion)', and *wi'i* 'to arrive here (cislocative motion)' (some examples are lines 5, 16, and 31, among others). The distinction is indicated in the glosses. When used in serial verb constructions, as we see here, "arrive" verbs indicate the perfectivity or completedness of an event involving motion.

<sup>17</sup>The nominal root *mahka* indicates a 'place of origin or belonging', and when used with human referents, is understood to mean a 'village'. When used with wild plants or animals, it may be understood to indicate the jungle or forest (as in line 66).

### 6 Kotiria

(19) *tina a'rina hiphitina, a'rina ñahoriapho'na wa'i khapea ñahoria hia sã ba'ana waro.*

*tí-~da* anph-pl *a'rí-~da* dem.prox-pl *híphiti-~da* everyone-pl *a'rí-~da* dem.prox-pl *ñáhori-a-~pho'da* ñahori<sup>18</sup> -pl-descendants *wa'í* wa'i *khapea* khapea *ñáhori-a* ñahori-pl *hí-a* cop-assert.pfv *~sa=ba'á-~da* 1pl.excl.poss=younger.brother-pl *wáró*

emph

'All of these, descendants (children), *wa'i khapea ñahoria*, are our true younger brothers.'

'Todos esses, descendentes (filhos), *wa'i khapea ñahoria*, são nossos irmãos menores verdadeiros.'

(20) *biari, yabaina, ñahoripho'na hiyu'ka.*

*biári* biari *yabá-~ida* q:what/how-nmlz.pl *ñáhori-~pho'da* ñahori-descendants *hí-yu'ka* cop-rep.qot

'(Younger brothers of the) *biari* (Teresinha's group), the *ñahori* descendants are.' (they're saying)

'(Irmãos menores dos) *biari* (grupo da Teresinha), os *ñahori* são.' (estão dizendo)

(21) *tina sã dohka mahkarikurua hiyu'ka a'rina.*

*tí-~da* anph-pl *~sa=doká* 1pl.excl.poss=below *~baká-ri-kuru-a* origin-pl-group-pl *hí-yu'ka* cop-rep.qot *a'rí-~da* dem.prox-pl 'They are the younger second group.' (they're saying)<sup>19</sup>

'Eles são irmãos menores.' (estão dizendo)

<sup>18</sup>To facilitate recognition, the proper names of the main protagonists and places have the same underlying and surface representations, e.g. *ñahori* rather than ~*yahori*.

<sup>19</sup>Teresinha's use of the quotative reported evidential in this sequence of sentences is another reported speech strategy, given that throughout the workshop there had been a great deal of discussion about different Kotiria groups. It is also likely a way of softening this series of statements related to group rankings, especially since the audience was mostly composed of people belonging to a group she states to be lower than her own.

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

(22) *tiro õi wʉ'ʉsekho'topori khʉayu'ka, mukʉdʉhpʉri a'rina sã ba'ana.*

*tí-ró* anph-sg *~ó-í* deic.prox-loc.vis *wʉ'ʉ́-sé(ri)-kho'to-pori* house-pl.row-proper.place-pl.place *khʉá-yu'ka* have-rep.qot *múkʉ.dʉhpʉri* mukʉ.dʉhpʉri *a'rí-~da* dem.prox-pl *~sa=ba'á-~da* 1pl.excl.poss=younger.brother-pl

'He (*Ñahori*) had his houses here in *Mukʉ Dʉhpʉri* (and) these ones here (Carurú villagers are) our younger brothers.' (they're saying).

'Ele (*Ñahori*) tinha suas casas aqui em *Mukʉ Dʉhpʉri* (e) esses aqui (moradores de Carurú são) nossos irmãos menores.' (estão dizendo)

(23) *phʉaro numia, phʉaro numia ti phapʉre namotia tire himarebʉ, tiaro numiapʉ bʉhkʉthurupʉre.*

*phʉá-ro* two-sg *~dúbí-á* woman-pl *phʉá-ro* two-sg *~dúbí-á* woman-pl *ti=phá-pʉ-re* anph=time-loc-obj *~dabó-tí-á* wife-vbz-assert.pfv *tí-re* anph-obj *hí-~bare-bʉ*<sup>20</sup> cop-rem.ipfv-epis *tiá-ro* three-sg *~dúbí-á-pʉ́* woman-pl-loc *bʉkʉ́-thúrú-pʉ́-ré* ancestor-times-loc-obj 'In those olden times, the custom was to marry two wives, two or even three.'

'Na época antiga, era costume casar com duas mulheres, duas, ou até três.'

<sup>20</sup>The expression *himarebʉ* occurs several times in Teresinha's narrative, indicating ways of being or events as specifically related to "origin" times. These may be customs that contrast with current social norms (e.g. having more than one wife), or capabilities that humans nowadays no longer possess, such as the ability to transform themselves into other kinds of beings (see line 197). The expression is clearly formed with the copula *hi*, followed by a morpheme *-ma* or *-mare*, which is analyzed here as 'remote imperfective aspect', but is possibly related to the morpheme *ma* used in conversation to show respect for one's interlocutor. The final morpheme -*bʉ* is cognate to evidential markers in other Tukanoan languages (Stenzel & Gomez-Imbert 2018) but is not regularly found in the Kotiria evidential system. The expression as a whole seems to indicate the speaker's authoritative knowledge about such times and customs, and thus is interpreted as having epistemic value: 'this was how it *was* in those times'. In line 187 it occurs with the initial verb *ni* 'say', indicating 'this was what X was *called* in those times'.

(24) *namoti a'ri, õre matapi wʉ'ʉkho'tori tiro hiyu'ka bʉhkʉro, mari ñʉhchʉ dianumia yairo.*

*~dabó-tí* wife-vbz *a'rí* dem.prox *~ó-ré* deic.prox-obj *matapí* matapi.village *wʉ'ʉ́-kho'to-ri* house-proper.place-pl *tí-ró* anph-sg *bʉkʉ́-ró* ancestor-sg *~bari=~yʉchʉ́* 1pl.incl.poss=grandfather *diánúmíá.yáíró* dianumia.yairo

'The old one, our grandfather (ancestor) *Dianumia Yairo*, was married (and) he had houses there in Matapi.' (they're saying)

'O velho, nosso avô (ancestral) *Dianumia Yairo*, era casado (e) tinha casas alí em Matapi.' (estão dizendo)

(25) *phayʉ mahsa hia niatia.*

*phayʉ́* many *~basá* people *hí-a* cop-pl *~dí-ati-a* cop-ipfv-assert.pfv 'There were lots of people living there.' 'Havia muita gente vivendo alí.'

(26) *ã yoa õre hiyu'ka tiro ñahori, a'riro yuhpi dianine: ~a=yóá* so=do *~ó-ré* deic.prox-obj *hí-yu'ka* cop-rep.qot *tí-ró* anph-sg *ñáhórí* ñahori *a'rí-ro* dem.prox-sg *yuhpí.diáni-re* yuhpi.diani-obj 'So (they're saying) that *Ñahori* lived just there (in *Mukʉ Dʉhpʉri* and said to) *Yuhpi Diani*:

'Então (estão dizendo que) *Ñahori* vivia logo alí (em *Mukʉ Dʉhpʉri* e disse ao) *Yuhpi Diani*:

(27) *"numia yʉ'ʉ́ nai wa'ai niha, yʉ buhibo." ~dúbí-á* woman-pl *yʉ'ʉ́* 1sg *~dá-i* get-m *wa'á-i* go-m *~dí-ha* prog-vis.ipfv.1 *yʉ=buhíbo* 1sg.poss=sister.in.law '"I'm going to get women, my sisters-in-law."' '"Estou indo pegar mulheres, minhas cunhadas."'

(28) *nichʉ, tirota sinikaatia:*

*~dí-chʉ* say-sw.ref *tí-ró-ta* anph-sg-emph *~sidí-ka'a-ati-a* ask.for-do.immediately-ipfv-assert.pfv 'When (*Ñahori*) said that, (*Yuhpi Diani*) asked:' 'Quando (*Ñahori*) falou isso, (*Yuhpi Diani*) pediu:'

(29) *"yʉ'ʉkhʉre kʉ̃koro natanamoa" niatia a'rina ñahoriapho'na. yʉ'ʉ́-khʉ́-ré* 1sg-add-obj *~kʉ́-kó-ró* one/a-f-sg *~dá-ta-~dabo-a* get-come-wife-pl *~dí-ati-a* say-ipfv-assert.pfv *a'rí-~da* dem.prox-pl *ñahóri-a-~pho'da* ñáhórí-pl-descendants

'"Bring one more wife for me too," (he asked to *Ñahori*, the father) of all these *Ñahoria* descendants here.'

'"Traga mais uma para mim também," (pediu ao *Ñahori*, pai) desses descendentes de *Ñahoria* aqui.'

(30) *ñariro tuakaro kha'mapha, hum … hum.*

*~yá-rí-ró* bad-nmlz-sg *túá-ká-ró* strong-intens-sg *~kha'bá-pha* want-spec *hum…hum* (laughs)

'I guess the rascal (*Yuhpi Diani*) really liked/needed (women), hum … hum.' [Teresinha chuckles]

'Parece que o danado (*Yuhpi Diani*) gostava/precisava mesmo (de mulher), hum … hum.' [risos da Teresinha]

(31) *ã yoa tiro nano wa'a, nawi'i, wehse wa'a te õpʉ.*

*~a=yóá* so=do *tí-ró* anph-sg *~dá-ro* get-sg *wa'á* go *~dá-wi'i* get-arrive.cis *wesé* garden *wa'á* go *té* until *~ó-pʉ́*

deic.prox-loc

'So, he (*Ñahori*) went to get them, brought (them) back, and went off to the gardens over there (in *Mukʉ Dʉhpʉri*).'

'Então ele (*Ñahori*) foi pegar, trouxe de volta (e) foram lá para a roça (em *Mukʉ Dʉhpʉri*).'

6 Kotiria

(32) *a'rina ñahoria yaro wʉ'ʉkho'to hira õ mukʉ dʉhpʉri. a'rí-~da* dem.prox-pl *ñáhórí-á* ñahori-pl *yá-ro* poss-sg *wʉ'ʉ́-khó'tó* house-proper.place *hí-ra* cop-vis.ipfv.2/3 *~ó* deic.prox *múkʉ́.dʉhpʉri* mukʉ.dʉhpʉri

'*Mukʉ Dʉhpʉri* is the rightful place of these *ñahoria*.'

'*Mukʉ Dʉhpʉri* é o lugar desses *ñahoria*.'

(33) *sekhoa ti yadi'ta te hiro nina to khũre.*

*(bu')sé-khoa* side-half/part *ti=yá-dí'tá* 3pl.poss=poss-ground *té* until *hí-ro* cop-sg *~dí-ra* prog-vis.ipfv.2/3 *tó* def *~khú-re* place-obj

'Their place is on the other side of the river, and that place is still theirs.' 'O lugar deles fica no outro lado do rio (e) esse lugar ainda é deles.'

(34) *no'o ti tachʉ khũre, noa a'rinare ñahoriapho'nare "do'se yoa ta hihari?" ~do'ó* q:where<sup>21</sup> *ti=tá-chʉ* 3pl.poss=come-sw.ref *~khú-re* place-obj *~doá* q:who *a'rí-~da-re* dem.prox-pl-obj *ñáhórí-a-~pho'da-re* ñahori-pl-descendants-obj *do'sé* q:how *yoá* do *ta* come *hí-hari* cop-q.ipfv 'If they were to come back there, no one could ask *Ñahori*'s descendants

"Why do you come (what are you doing) here?"'

'Se um dia voltassem ao lugar, ninguém podia perguntar aos descendantes de *Ñahori* "Porque vieram (o que fazem) aqui?"'

(35) *ne nito bahsioerara.*

*~dé* neg *~dí-to* say-nmlz.loc/evnt *basio-éra-ra* correct-neg-vis.ipfv.2/3 'No one could say that.'

'Ninguem poderia dizer isso.'

<sup>21</sup>This sentence contains three different question words glossed with their most common semantics, although most can occur with other morphology to derive other interrogative meanings. For example *no'o* 'where', can combine with morphemes *-pe* or *-puro*, deriving quantity question forms 'how much/many?', *do'se* 'how' also occurs in the expression *do'se hichʉ̃* 'when?' and *do'se yoa* 'why?' (e.g. in line 273).

(36) *do'poto to hiro hia.*

*do'pó-to* origin/roots-nmlz.loc/evnt *to=hí-ro* 3sg.poss=cop-sg *hí-a* cop-assert.pfv 'It's his (*Ñahori*'s) origin site.' 'É o lugar de origem dele (*Ñahori*)'.

(37) *ã yoa mahaa.*

*~a=yóá* so=do *~bahá-a* go.uphill-assert.pfv 'So, (*Ñahori* and the woman) came up (towards *Yuhpi Diani*). 'Então (eles, *Ñahori* e a mulher) vinham subindo (na direção ao *Yuhpi Diani*).'


*a'rí-ro* dem.prox-sg *ñáhórí* ñahori *hi-éra-re* cop-neg-vis.pfv.2/3 *sóró-pʉ́* different.one-loc *diáni* diani *yá-kó-ró* poss-f-sg *hí-ra* cop-vis.ipfv.2/3 *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '*Ñahori* (speaking): "Not so, this one is promised to *Diani*," he said.' 'O *Ñahori* (falando): "Não, essa ficou prometida para *Diani*," respondeu.'

(40) *"hierare. yʉ'ʉ duhtii" nia.*

*hi-éra-re* cop-neg-vis.pfv.2/3 *yʉ'ʉ́* 1sg *dutí-i* order-vis.pfv.1 *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '"Not so! I ordered (her)," (*Yuhpi Diani*) said.' '"Nada disso! Eu mandei pegar," respondeu (*Yuhpi Diani*).'

6 Kotiria

(41) *"yʉ'ʉ duhtii. yʉ yakoro hika" nia.*

*yʉ'ʉ́* 1sg *dutí-i* order-vis.pfv.1 *yʉ=yá-kó-ró* 1sg.poss=poss-f-sg *hí-ka* cop-assert.ipfv *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv<sup>22</sup> '"I ordered (her). She's mine!" (*Yuhpi Diani*) said.' '"Eu mandei (pegar). É minha mulher!" disse (*Yuhpi Diani*).'

(42) *"hierara" nia.*

*hi-éra-ra* cop-neg-vis.ipfv.2/3 *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '"No (she's) not," (*Ñahori*) said.' '"Não é," disse (*Ñahori*).'

(43) *ni, wehse wa'a, thuatarikorore ña'atia. ~dí* say *wesé* garden *wa'á* go *thuá-ta-ri-ko-ro-re* return-come-nmlz-f-sg-obj *~ya'á-ti-a* grab-attrib-assert.pfv 'That said, (she) went to the garden (and) returning, was grabbed.' 'Ditto isso, (ela) foi para a roça (e) voltando, foi agarrada.'

(44) *"thuaga yʉ'ʉ me'ne" nia.*

*thúá-gá* stay-imp *yʉ'ʉ́=~be're* 1sg=com *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '"(You) stay with me," said (*Diani*).' '"Fica comigo," disse (*Diani*).'

(45) *"hierara. khã'i nire. pakoro nabosaita."*

*hi-éra-ra* cop-neg-vis.ipfv.2/3 *~kha'í* desire/love *~dí-re* prog-vis.pfv.2/3 *pá-ko-ro* alt-f-sg *~dá-bosa-i-ta* get-ben-m-intent '"(She) isn't (yours). You want (her but) I'll get another one for you," (said *Ñahori*).'

<sup>22</sup>The unusual use of the assertive evidential *-a* in this sentence (rather than the expected visual form *-i*, as in the previous line) is quite interesting. It is possible that use of the assertive form gives the statement greater legitimacy, coding it as already internalized "fact" or as collectively recognized knowledge.

'"(Essa) não é (sua). Você quer ficar (com ela mas) vou trazer outra para você," (disse *Ñahori*).'

(46) *"hierara" nia.*

*hi-éra-ra* cop-neg-vis.ipfv.2/3 *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '"No," said (*Diani*).' '"Não," respondia (*Diani*).'


'Poor thing! The old gal was all alone.'

'Coitada da velha, estava sozinha.'

(49) *sʉ̃to manʉnore yabare, khanʉhkore hiphato tiro Yuhpi Diani:*

*~sʉ́* arrive.trns *to=~badʉ́-ro-re* 3sg.poss=husband-sg-obj *yabá-re* q:what-obj *khá-~dʉ́kó-ré* hawk-island-obj *hí-pha-to* cop-time-nmlz.loc/evnt *tí-ró* anph-sg *yuhpi.diani* yuhpi.diani

'(*Ñahori*) went there to her intended husband in *Kha Nʉhko* (Hawk Island), where *Yuhpi Diani* lived (and said):'

'(*Ñahori*) chegou ao marido pretendido dela em *Kha Nʉhko* (Ilha de Inambú), onde *Yuhpi Diani* morava (e disse):'

(50) *"mʉ namore yoatapʉ mʉ mahsawamino ña'a thũkukare" nia.*

*~bʉ=~dabó-re* 2sg.poss=wife-obj *yoá-tá-pʉ́* far-emph-loc *~bʉ=~basá-~wabi-ro* 2sg.poss=people-older.brother-sg *~ya'á* grab *~thúkuka-re* force-vis.pfv.2/3 *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '"Your (intended) wife's gone, your older brother's people captured her," said (*Ñahori*).'

6 Kotiria

'"Sua esposa (prometida) já foi, o povo do seu irmão maior pegou," disse (*Ñahori*).'

(51) *"kue! do'se yʉ'ʉ tirore ã yoa duhtierai yʉ'ʉ" nia.*

*kúé* intj:surprise *do'sé* q:how *yʉ'ʉ́* 1sg *tí-ró-ré* anph-sg-obj *~a=yóá* so=do *duti-éra-i* order-neg-vis.pfv.1 *yʉ'ʉ́* 1sg *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '"What? How? I forbade him do that!" (*Yuhpi Diani*) said.' '"O que? Como? Eu o proibi a fazer isso!" (*Yuhpi Diani*) falou.'


*tí-kó-ró* anph-f-sg *kówa-ro* fetch.water-sg *bu'á-ta-ri-ko-ro-re* go.downhill-come-nmlz-f-sg-obj *pharí-taro-pʉ* form-clf:lake-loc *tí-kó-ró-ré* anph-f-sg-obj *~ya'á-a* grab-assert.pfv *tí-~da* anph-pl 'When the woman came down to fetch water from the pond, they grabbed her.'

'Quando a mulher desceu para pegar água no poço, eles a agarraram.'

(54) *thunua tikorokhʉ, "yʉ'ʉre ñaenatiga! soro mahsawa'mino yakoropʉ hiha" nia.*

*~thudú-a* resist-assert.pfv *tí-kó-ró-khʉ* anph-f-sg-add *yʉ'ʉ́-ré* 1sg-obj *~ya'a-éra-tiga* grab-neg-neg.imp

<sup>23</sup>The "servants" referred to here are identified as people of one of the Makú ethnic groups, reflecting the unequal social relations between dominant riverine Tukano and Arawak groups and the forest-dwelling peoples, speakers of what are now referred to as languages of the Nadahup and Kákua-Nʉkak families (Epps 2008; Bolaños 2016). Use of the diminutive suffix -~*ka* highlights their smaller physical stature when compared to the riverine peoples (see lines 58-59), but is also used metaphorically to indicate diminished social status.

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

*sóro* different.one *~basá-~wa'bi-ro* people-older.brother-sg *yá-ko-ro-pʉ* poss-f-sg-loc *hí-ha* cop-vis.ipfv.1 *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv 'She resisted them: "Let me go! I'm reserved for one from the higher clan," she said.' 'Ela resistiu: "Solta-me! Estou prometida para um do clã maior," disse.' (55) *"mʉ'ʉre phikare khero mʉ manʉ" nima. ~bʉ'ʉ́-ré* 2sg-obj *phí-ka('a)-re* call-do.immediately-vis.pfv.2/3 *khé-ro* fast-sg *~bʉ=~badʉ́* 2sg.poss=husband *~dí-~ba* say-frus '"Your (true) husband is calling you right now," said (the servants, to no avail).'

'"O seu marido (verdadeiro) está chamando rápido," disseram (em vão, os criados).'

(56) *ne kha'maeraa.*

```
~dé
neg
     ~kha'ba-éra-a
     want-neg-assert.pfv
'[(She) didn't want (to go)!]'24
'[(Ela) não queria (ir)!]'
```
(57) *kha'maera, thunuwihtika'aa ña'ano.*

*~kha'ba-éra* want-neg *~thudú-witi-ka'a-a* resist-escape-do.moving-assert.pfv *~ya'á-ro*<sup>25</sup> grab-sg '(She) didn't want (to go), resisted (and) escaped (their) embrace.' 'Não queria ir, resistiu (e) escapou do agarro (deles).'

(58) *to pho'na õ ma'ainakã hia a'rina ñahoria khi'ti. to=~pho'dá* 3sg.poss=children *~ó* deic.prox *~ba'á-~ídá-~ká* small-nmlz.pl-dim *hí-a* cop-assert.pfv

<sup>24</sup>[ ] indicates a personal comment or observation by Teresinha or Joselito.

<sup>25</sup>The suffix *-ro* derives a nominal count noun from a verbal root; here, the noun 'embrace' is derived from the verb for 'grab'.

6 Kotiria

*a'rí-~da* dem.prox-pl *ñáhórí-á* ñahori-pl *khí'ti* become

'His (*Yuhpi Diani*'s) servants, [the future *Ñahoria*] were just this tall.' 'Os criados dele (*Yuhpi Diani*) [os *Ñahoria* do futuro] eram deste tamanhinho.'

(59) *phʉarokã hia.*

*phʉá-ro-~ka* two-sg-dim *hí-a* cop-assert.pfv 'There were two little guys.' 'Eram dois pequenos.'

(60) *mʉmʉ mʉhawa'aa tinakã: ~bʉb́ʉ* run *~bʉhá-wa'a-a* mov.upward-go-assert.pfv *tí-~da-~ka* anph-pl-dim 'They ran up (to tell *Yuhpi Diani*):' 'Foram correndo para cima (para avisar ao *Yuhpi Diani*):'

(61) *"de yoatapʉ mʉ namore ña'a tu'sʉre." dé yoá-ta-pʉ ~bʉ=~dabó-re ~ya'á-tu'sʉ-re*

intj:poor.one! far-emph-loc 2sg.poss=wife-obj grab-finish-vis.pfv.2/3 '"It's too late, your wife's already taken."'

'"Já era, pegaram sua mulher."'

(62) *ti ñari, tiro hi'na ta bʉea me'ne bʉepati hi'na.*

*tí-~ya-ri* anph-bad-nmlz *tí-ró* anph-sg *~hí'da* emph *tá* come *bʉé-a=~be're* arrow-pl=com *bʉé-(pa)ti*<sup>26</sup> arrow-vbz *~hí'da* emph 'Those servants (and) he (*Yuhpi Diani*) himself came back with arrows and started shooting.'

'Os criados (e) ele (*Yuhpi Diani*) mesmo vieram de volta com flechas e começaram a flechar.'

<sup>26</sup>The verbalizing suffix *-pati* may be an older, longer form of the now more commonly used verbalizer *-ti*, seen in lines 9, 17, 23, 24, and 140, among others.

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

(63) *mari ñʉhchʉsʉmʉa bʉerina phanamana himahana mari.*

*~bari=~yʉchʉ́-~sʉ́bʉ́á* 1pl.incl.poss=grandfather-pl.kin *bʉé-ri-~da* arrow.shoot-nmlz-pl *~phadába-~da* grandchild-pl *hí-~ba-ha-(~hi')da ~barí*<sup>27</sup>

cop-rsp-vis.ipfv.1-emph 1pl.incl

'[We're grandchildren (descendants) of grandparents (ancestors) who used arrows.]'

'[Nós somos descendentes dos nossos avôs (ancestrais) que usavam flechas.]'

(64) *bʉeato õbaroi, to pharokãre sã'aphaato.*

*bʉé-a-to* arrow.shoot-pl-nmlz.loc/evnt *~ó-ba'ro-i* deic.prox-clf:kind-loc.vis *to=phá-ro-~ka*28*-re* 3sg.poss=stomach-sg-dim-obj *~sa'á-pha-to* mov.inside-stomach-nmlz.loc/evnt '(*Diani*'s people) shot (*Yuhpi Diani*'s servant) right here in the stomach.' '(O pessoal do *Diani*) flecharam (o criado do*Yuhpi Diani*) bem aqui na barriga.'

(65) *tina bʉathuataa.*

*tí-~da* anph-pl *bʉá-thua-ta-a* crawl/crouch-return-come-assert.pfv 'They came crawling back.' 'Eles vinham se arrastando.'

(66) *mahkarokahore tirore dʉhte koaa.*

*~baká-dóká*29*-hó-ré tí-ró-ré dʉté koá-a*

forest-dist-banana-obj anph-sg-obj chop cure-assert.pfv

'(They) found wild bananas (and) chopped (them to extract the liquid) to make a cure for him (the wounded guy).'

<sup>27</sup>Although marked tones reflect word-level patterns, there is tonal downstep on all sentencefinal pronouns.

<sup>28</sup>In this instance and many others, the diminutive suffix *-kã* is used for emphasis.

<sup>29</sup>The second root in the compound is underlyingly *doka* 'throw', grammaticalized as a marker of "distal" spatial relations: that the object is related to distant place (the case here), that the movement is toward the distance or that the action is occurring at a far off location. See also lines 52, 106, 138, and 153.

6 Kotiria

'Encontraram banana-do-mato, cortaram (para tirar o líquido e) fizeram curativo para ele (o ferido).'


*~bʉ'ʉ́-ré* 2sg-obj *~wahá-ka'a-~da-ta* kill-do.immediately-pl-intent *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '"Now we're going to kill you!" (they) said.' '"Agora vamos matar você!" disseram.'


<sup>30</sup>The word *kasero* is a borrowing from Portuguese "caseiro", a housekeeper or servant.

<sup>31</sup>The verb *mahsi* 'know' is also used to indicate ability, to 'know how' to do something.

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral


*tí-ró* anph-sg *a'rí-~da* dem.prox-pl *~yʉchʉ́-ro* grandfather-sg *khí'to* become *hí-a* cop-assert.pfv '[He (*Yuhpi Diani* and) the ones who would become (your) grandfathers.]' '[Ele (*Yuhpi Diani* e) os que seriam os avôs (de vocês).]'

(74) *sã ba'ʉ, tiro ñahori kʉ̃irota hia, to namosãnumia, phʉaro numia … ~sa=ba'ʉ́* 1pl.excl.poss=younger.brother *tí-ró* anph-sg *ñáhórí* ñahori *~kʉ́-iro-ta* alone-nmlz.sg-emph *hí-a* cop-assert.pfv *to=~dabó-~sadubia* 3sg.poss=wife-pl.f *phʉá-ro-~dubia* two-sg-pl.f

'Our younger brother, *Ñahori*, lived alone with his wives, two women …' 'Nosso irmão menor, *Ñahori*, vivia sozinho com as mulheres, duas esposas …'

(75) *to pho'nakã phʉarokã, to phayoa phʉarokã, seista hia tina õre mukʉ dʉhpʉrire.*

*to=~pho'dá-~ka* 3sg.poss=children-dim *phʉá-ro-~ka* two-sg-dim *to=phayó-a* 3sg.poss=servant-pl *phʉá-ro-~ka* two-sg-dim *seis*32*=ta* six=emph *hí-a* cop-assert.pfv *tí-~da* anph-pl *~ó-ré* deic.prox-obj *múkʉ.dʉhpʉri-re* mukʉ.dʉhpʉri-obj 'two children and two servants, they were exactly six here in *Mukʉ Dʉhpʉri*.'

'dois filhos e dois criados, no total eram seis aqui em *Mukʉ Dʉhpʉri*.'

<sup>32</sup>Although there are frequently used Kotiria terms for numbers one through five, nowadays it is quite common for both numbers and time expressions, such as *semana* 'week' in line 76, to be borrowed from Portuguese. See also line 264.

### 6 Kotiria

(76) *no'oi tiasomana ba'aro, ñariro phiriaka bihsi yohata to kaserua me'ne.*

*~do'ó-i* q:when-loc.vis *tíá-semana=ba'a-ro* three-weeks=after-sg *~yá-ri-ro* bad-nmlz-sg *phíríá-ká*<sup>33</sup> flute-clf:round *bisí* sound *yóhá-tá* go.upriver-come *to=kaséro-a=~be're* 3sg.poss=servant-pl=com

'Three weeks later, the warrier (*Yuhpi Diani*) came upstream with his servants, to the sound of *piriaka* flutes.'

'Três semanas depois, o guerreiro (*Yuhpi Diani*) vinha subindo com seus criados, ao som da flauta *piriaka*.'

	- *tí* anph *phá-pʉ́-ré* time-loc-obj *yá-ró-~ká* secret-sg-dim *tí-~da* anph-pl *~kha'bá-~waha-éra* bring/do.together34-kill-neg *hí-~bare-bʉ* cop-rem.ipfv-epis *tutu…tutu…tutuuuuu* ontp:flute.playing

'In those times, it wasn't the custom to make war silently (but to play flutes) *tutu … tutu … tutuuuuu* …'

'Naqueles tempos, não era costume guerrear em silêncio, (vinham tocando flautas) *tutu … tutu … tutuuuuu* …'

(78) *õ wãhsipiria nʉ̃hkoi wa'asʉ̃ñaina mahaa. te õi sʉ̃a.*

*~ó* deic.prox *~wahsípíríá* wãhsipiria *~dʉko-i* island-loc.vis *wa'á-~sʉ́* go-arrive.trns *~yá-~ida* bad-nmlz.pl *~bahá-a* go.uphill-assert.pfv *té* until *~ó-í* deic.prox-loc.vis *~sʉ́-a* arrive.trns-assert.pfv

'They arrived here in *Wãhsipiria Nʉ̃hko* (island, and) the warriors came up the path until they arrived (at *Ñahori*'s house).'

'Chegaram aqui em *Wãhsipiria Nʉ̃hko* (ilha, e) os guerreiros foram subindo pelo caminho até chegarem (na casa do *Ñahori*).'

(79) *tiro bi'asãmato tiro. khatarosohpakai duhia tiro bʉhkʉro.*

*tí-ró* anph-sg *bi'á-sã'a-~ba-to* close-mov.inside-frus-nmlz.loc/evnt *tí-ró* anph-sg

<sup>33</sup>*Piriaka* are small wooden flutes held horizontally and played through a single blow hole.

<sup>34</sup>The root *khãbá* 'bring or do X together' (see also Footnote 51), when used in a serialization can indicate reflexive action, as in line 162.

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

*khatá-ró-sópáká-í* flatbread.oven-sg-opening-loc.vis *duhí-a* sit-assert.pfv *tí-ró* anph-sg *bʉkʉ́-ro* ancestor-sg 'He (*Ñahori*) barred (the entrance, in vain, and), the old guy sat next to the opening to the flatbread oven.' 'Ele (*Ñahori*) se-fechou dentro (em vão, e) o velho ficou sentado na boca do forno.' (80) *ñahori to wa'masitia me'neta, a'ri wʉhʉnihti, a'ri noano hiphitiro to dohkaa me'ne. ñáhórí* ñahori *to=~wa'básítía=~be're*35*-ta* 3sg.poss=adornments=com-emph *a'rí* dem.prox *wʉhʉ́~dítí* ceremonial.perfume *a'rí* dem.prox *~dóá-ró* good-sg *híphiti-ro* everything-sg *to=doká-a=~be're* 3sg.poss=spear-pl=com '*Ñahori* with all his adornments, the ceremonial perfume (and) all of his weapons.' '*Ñahori* com todos os enfeites do corpo, perfume ceremonial (e) com todas as sua armas.'

(81) *tatu'sʉa tina. kʉ̃pho'na mahataa*

*tá-thu'sʉ-a* come-finish-assert.pfv *tí-~da* anph-pl *~kʉ́-~pho'da* one/a-clf:line *~bahá-ta-a* go.uphill-come-assert.pfv 'They (*Yuhpi Diani* and warriors) arrived. (They) were coming up in a line.'

'Eles (*Yuhpi Diani* e guerreiros) já estavam vindo numa fila.'

(82) *yaba? um … hum, bo'teapũ, do'se nihari?*

*yabá*<sup>36</sup> q:what/how *hum…hum* hum…hum *bo'téa~pu* embaúba.tree(sp) *do'sé* q:how *~dí-hárí* say-q.ipfv '[What? um, um … Embaúba tree, [is that what it's called?]' '[Como? um, um … Embaúba, [é assim que chama?]'

<sup>35</sup>Use of the comitative clitic *me'ne* causes tonal downstep on the tonal element immediately before; the same phenomenon occurs in the second occurrence in this example.

<sup>36</sup>The question word *yaba* 'what/how' is used as a filler in discourse, when the speaker has a doubt about something or needs a moment to think or reformulate.

(83) *pho'ophĩni peri ti khãtarire khʉaa tinase'e.*

*pho'́o-~phí-rí* molongó.tree-clf:bladelike-pl *péri* many *ti=~kháta-ri-re* 3pl.poss=cut.separate-nmlz-obj *khʉá-a* have-assert.pfv *tí-~da-se'e* anph-pl-contr 'They had a lot of strips of molongó wood that they had sharpened …' 'Eles tinham um monte de ripas de molongó que estavam bem afiados …'

(84) *ti bahtichʉ hipa tinase're.*

*tí* anph *batíchʉ* shield *hí-pha* cop-spec *tí-~da-se'e-re* anph-pl-contr-obj '[That (I suppose) were like a shield for them.]' '[Que (suponho) era como se fosse escudo para eles.]'

(85) *"tara sõ'o phʉ'toro" nia.*

*tá-rá* come-vis.ipfv.2/3 *~so'ó* deic.dist *phʉ'tó-ró* master-sg *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '"(They're) coming, master!" (*Ñahori*'s servants) said.' '"(Eles) já vem, chefe!" disseram (os servos do *Ñahori*).'

(86) *tinakã phʉarokã nia: "to … to … tooooooo, ñaina wahpana pho'nañari!" tí-~da-~ka* anph-pl-dim *phʉá-ro-~ka* two-sg-dim *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv *to…to…tooooooo* intj:taunt *~yá-~ida* bad-nmlz.pl *wapá-~da* enemy-pl *~pho'dá-~ya-ri* children-bad-pl

'(*Ñahori* 's) two poor servants taunted them: "*To … to … tooooooo*, hated sons of our enemy!"'

'Os dois criados coitados (de *Ñahori* ) gritavam xingando: "*To … to … tooooooo*, malditos filhos do inimigo!"'

(87) *"thʉ̃rekhãnata" nimaati pakhuioina.*

*~thʉ́re-~kha-~da-ta* knock.down-chop-pl-intent *~dí-~ba-ati* say-frus-ipfv *pá-khui-o-~ida* alt-afraid-caus-nmlz.pl '"We're going to mow you down!" the poor terrified ones yelled.' '"Vamos derrubar vocês!" gritavam os pobres apavorados.'

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

(88) *ne bioera, tinase phayʉbia hia.*

*~dé* neg *bio-éra* defend/resist-neg *tí-~da-se* anph-pl-contr *phayʉ́-bia* many-aum *hí-a* cop-assert.pfv '(But) they (*Ñahori*'s servants) were overwhelmed, there were too many of the others.' '(Mas) não aguentaram (os criados de *Ñahori*), os outros eram uma

multidão.'

(89) *tinakã, a'rí tho'ori khʉamaati pakhuioina, ñahori yainakã … tí-~da-~ka* anph-pl-dim *a'rí* dem.prox *thó'ó-rí* spear-pl *khʉá-~ba-ati* have-frus-ipfv

*pá-khui-o-~ida ñáhórí yá-~ida-~ka*

alt-afraid-caus-nmlz.pl ñahori poss-nmlz.pl-dim

'Those poor guys who just had spears, were terrified, *Ñahori*'s servants …' 'Os coitadinhos que só tinham lanças, ficaram com medo, os criados do *Ñahori* …'


*bʉé-~ba-ati* arrow.shoot-frus-ipfv *~dé* neg *bio-éra* defend/resist-neg *phayʉ́-bia* many-aum *hí-ra* cop-vis.ipfv.2/3 *~sa=phʉ'tó-ro* 1pl.excl.poss=master-sg *wihá-ga* mov.outward-imp *~dí-~ba-a* say-frus-assert.pfv

'Shooting but unable to resist, (the servants) cried (in vain): "There are too many of them, master. Run away!"'

'Flechando mas não resistindo, gritaram (os criados em vão): "São muitos, chefe. Fuja!"'

<sup>37</sup>Many verb serializations contain stative positional roots such as *phisa* 'be on', which contribute detailed perspective of the action. Here, we understand that the servants are cowering on higher ground, observing and dreading the arrival of the enemy approaching from below.

6 Kotiria

(92) *"wa'eraha yʉ'ʉ́se kʉ̃iro pha'ñohita tinare" nia tiro. wa'a-éra-ha* go-neg-vis.ipfv.1 *yʉ'ʉ́-se* 1sg-contr *~kʉ́-író* alone-nmlz.sg *~pha'yó-híta*<sup>38</sup> complete-sg.intent *tí-~da-re* anph-pl-obj *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv *tí-ró* anph-sg '"I'm not going! I'm going to defeat them all!" he (*Ñahori*) said.' '"Não vou! Eu mesmo vou acabar com eles," disse ele (*Ñahori*).'

(93) *"sã phʉ'toro wa'aga, wa'aga, sã phʉ'toro. mʉ'ʉre wãhakãka. sãma'chʉne noano yoahã'ka."*

*~sa=phʉ'tó-ro* 1pl.excl.poss=master-sg *wa'á-gá* go-imp *wa'á-gá* go-imp *~sa=phʉ'tó-ro* 1pl.excl.poss=master-sg *~bʉ'ʉ́-ré* 2sg-obj *~wahá-~ka-ka* kill-dim-predict *~sá-~ba'chʉ-re* 1pl.excl-add-obj *~dóá-ró* good-sg *yoá-~ha*39*-ka* do-compl-predict '"Master, run away, run away, master! (They) will kill you. (They're) ready to kill us too."'

'"Chefe, fuja, fuja, chefe! Vão matar você. Nós também, já vão nos matar."'

(94) *"hierara. yʉ'ʉbahsi mahsita," nia.*

*hi-éra-ra* cop-neg-vis.ipfv.2/3 *yʉ'ʉ́-basi* 1sg-emph *~basí-ta* know-intent *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '"No! I myself can (defeat them)," (*Ñahori* ) said.' '"Não! Eu mesmo sei (acabar com eles)," disse (*Ñahori*).'

(95) *ni, tina ñahori pho'nakãre, to namosãnumia "a'rínakãre naaga" nia. ~dí* say *tí-~da* anph-pl *ñáhórí* ñahori *~pho'dá-~ka-re* children-dim-obj *to=~dabó-~sadubia* 3sg.poss=wife-pl.f *a'rí-~da-~ka-re* dem.prox-pl-dim-obj *~dá-wa'a-ga* get-go-imp *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv

'Saying that, Ñahori ordered his wives: "Take the children away!" he said.' 'Falando disso, Ñahori mandou as esposas: "Levem as crianças embora!" disse.'

<sup>38</sup>The expression *ta hita*, here in reduced form, shows the speaker's intent to do something 'by myself.'

<sup>39</sup>The morpheme -*hã* is analyzed as a shortened form of *phã'yo* (see line 105), which in a serial verb construction adds a 'completive' aspectual reading.

(96) *"hai" ni. tinakãre na, ti yaipiripʉre naa. hai* intj:agree *~dí* say *tí-~da-~ka-re* anph-pl-dim-obj *~dá* get *ti=yáí-pírí-pʉ-re* 3pl.poss=jaguar-teeth-clf:basket-obj *~dá-a* get-assert.pfv '"Yes!" (they) said. They got the children (and) put them in (their basket with) jaguar-teeth necklaces (and other sacred objects).' '"Sim!" disseram. Pegaram os filhos (e) colocaram no (cesto) de colares de dente-de-onça (e outros objetos sagrados).'


*tó-i* def-loc.vis *~sá* 1pl.excl *bio-éra-ka* defend/resist-neg-assert.ipfv *~bʉ'ʉ́-basi* 2sg-emph *~basí-gá* know-imp *~sa=phʉ'tó-ro* 1pl.excl.poss=master-sg *~bʉ'ʉ́-ré* 2sg-obj *~kha'í-~ba-ha* love-rsp-vis.ipfv.1 *~sá* 1pl.excl *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv

'"We can't resist anymore! You take over, master. We love you," (*Ñahori*'s servants) said.'

'"Não aguentamos mais. Você pode resistir, chefe. Nós amamos você," disseram (os criados do *Ñahori*).'

(99) *tiro tobahsi bʉawihatamaa bʉerotaro.*

*tí-ró* anph-sg *to-basí* def-emph *bʉá-wiha-ta-~ba-a* crawl/crouch-mov.outward-come-frus-assert.pfv *bʉé-ro-ta-ro* arrow.shoot-sg-come-sg

'He (*Ñahori*) himself came out crouching down (and) shooting arrows.' 'Ele (*Ñahori*) mesmo veio saindo agachado (e) flechando.'

6 Kotiria

(100) *tiata, quatrotari, tirore õ waroi bʉetu'sʉa tina, chʉʉʉ! tʉ … tʉ .. .tʉʉʉʉʉʉʉʉʉ, phuhu!*

> *tíá́-ta* three-emph *quátro-ta-ri* four-emph-pl *tí-ró-ré* anph-sg-obj *~ó* deic.prox *wáró-i* emph-loc.vis *bʉé-thu'sʉ-a* arrow.shoot-finish-assert.pfv *tí-~da* anph-pl *chʉʉʉ!* ontp:arrows.being.shot *tʉ…tʉ…tʉʉʉʉʉʉʉʉʉ phuhu!*

ontp:arrows.flying ontp:falling.on.ground

'After three (or) four rounds, an arrow hit him (*Ñahori*). *Chʉʉʉ! tʉ … tʉ … tʉʉʉʉ! phuhu!*' (sounds of arrows flying, striking *Ñahori* and his falling down.)

'Depois de três (ou) quatro vezes, acertaram nele (*Ñahori*).*Chʉʉʉ! tʉ … tʉ … tʉʉʉʉ! phuhu!*' (som das flechas, do acerto nele e *Ñahori* caindo.)

(101) *thetereka khataro dʉ'tʉka'apʉ.*

*thetéré-ká* tremble-assert.ipfv *khatá-ró* flatbread.oven-clf:concave *dʉ'tʉ́ka'a-pʉ* edge-loc 'He collapsed trembling right next to the oven.' 'Caiu tremendo bem do lado do forno.'

(102) *kha'asʉ̃a.*

*kha'á-~sʉ-a* fall-arrive.trns-assert.pfv 'He fell over.' 'Ficou caido.'

(103) *to kha'asʉ̃chʉ, "noana mari wahpakʉro ñakãre" ni.*

*to=kha'á-~sʉ-chʉ* 3sg.poss=fall-arrive.trns-sw.ref *~dóádá* that's.good *~bari=wapá-kʉ-ro* 1pl.incl.poss=enemy-m-sg *~yá-~ka-re* bad-dim-obj *~dí* say 'After his fall<sup>40</sup> (*Diani*'s warriors cried): "You deserved it, evil enemy!"' 'Depois que caiu, (os guerreiros do *Diani* gritaram): "Bem feito, inimigo malvado!"'

<sup>40</sup>These sentences contain a typical "tail-head" linking sequence, in which the finite predicate (or part of it) of one sentence is repeated in the following sentence, usually as an initial subordinate adverbial clause (though the subordinate clauses can occur at the end of the sentence, as in line 195). When the action involves a shift in subject between the subordinate and main clause, the subordinate clause is marked with the switch-reference suffix *-chʉ* (see Stenzel 2016).

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

(104) *doa, ni "hʉʉʉʉ … bi'oha mari tirore," ni thumaharekũa. dóa* shout *~dí* say *hʉʉʉʉ* intj:victory.cry *bi'ó-há* successful-vis.ipfv.1 *~barí* 1pl.incl *tí-ró-ré* anph-sg-obj *~dí* say *thú-~baha-re-~kua* push-mov.upward-obj-leave.on.ground '(They) shouted: "*Hʉʉʉʉ!* … We got (killed) him!" (and then) rolled his body over.' 'Gritaram: "*Hʉʉʉʉ!* … Nós conseguimos (matar) ele!" (e depois) viraram (o corpo dele) de costas.' (105) *wʉ'ʉ hʉ̃pha'yohã'a. wʉ'ʉ́* house *~hʉ́-pha'yo-~ha-a* burn-compl-compl-assert.pfv '(They) burned down all the houses.' '(Eles) tocaram fogo em todas as casas.' (106) *ã yoa tina dʉhsetire ñʉrokaa nia. ~a=yóá* so=do *tí-~da* anph-pl *dʉsé-ti*41*-re* mouth-attrib-obj *~yʉ́-dóká-a* see/look-dist-pl *~dí-a* prog-assert.pfv 'So, the others (from Matapi) were watching the confusion from afar.' 'Então, os outros (de Matapi) ficaram observando a confusão de longe.' (107) *a'ri ora hiro hiarĩto?*<sup>42</sup> *a'rí* dem.prox *hóra* hour *hí-ro* cop-sg *hí-a-rito* cop-go-or.not '[Was that when it was?]' '[Era nessa hora ou não?]' (108) *ni ora hiro hiarito to phichanihti mʉhaa tiñʉchʉ. ~dí hóra hí-ro hí-a-rito to=phichá-~dítí*

q:which hour cop-sg cop-go-or.not rem=fire-ash *~bʉhá-a* mov.upward-assert.pfv *ti=~yʉ́-chʉ́* 3pl.poss=see/look-sw.ref

'[Was at this time or not when (the women in Matapi) saw the smoke rising?]'

<sup>41</sup>The notion of "confusion" is derived from the root for 'mouth' marked by the attributive suffix *-ti*, something akin to 'be mouthy'. It can also be used to refer to a discussion.

<sup>42</sup>The expression *hiro hiarito* is used to express doubt: 'Was that the way it went/was or not?' The verb *wa'a* 'go' is often shortened to *-a* when it occurs in serializations (see also line 292).

6 Kotiria

'[Era essa hora ou não quando (as mulheres de Matapi) viram a fumaça subir?]'

(109) *ã yoa ti manʉsʉmʉare … sã numia khitiphayʉ nimahana.*

*~a=yóá* so=do *ti=~badʉ́-~sʉbʉa-re* 3pl.poss=husband-pl.kin-obj *~sá* 1pl.excl *~dubía* women *khití-phayʉ* story-many *~dí-~bá-há=~(hi')da* say-frus-vis.ipfv.1=emph

'So (they commented to) their husbands … [we women are such gossips! (story-tellers)]'

'Então (falaram) aos seus maridos … [como nós mulheres somos fofoqueiras (contadoras de histórias)!]'

(110) *"ñʉhʉ̃! do'se mari ñahorire wãhahãpha sina."*

*~yʉ́-~hʉ*<sup>43</sup> see/look-imp.deic *do'sé* q:what *~bari=ñáhórí-ré* 1pl.incl.poss=ñahori-obj *~wahá-~ha-pha* kill-compl-spec *śi-~da* dem.dist-pl

'"Look there! Have those people killed our *Ñahori*?" (they speculated).' '"Olha lá! Será que aqueles mataram nosso *Ñahori*? (especularam).'

(111) *"yoatapʉ wʉ'ʉma'chʉ hʉ̃mʉhana" nia.*

*yoá-tá-pʉ́* long-emph-loc *wʉ'ʉ́-~ba'chʉ* house-add *~hʉ́-~bʉha-ra* burn-mov.upward-vis.ipfv.2/3 *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '"The smoke from the houses has been rising for a long time!" (they) said.'

'"Faz tempo que sobe fumaça das casas!" disseram.'

(112) *"pa! ã thiharide ni ñʉrokaa.*

*pá* intj:neg.surprise *~á* so *thí-hari-de* true-q.ipfv-emph *~dí* say *~yʉ́-dóká-á* see/look-dist-assert.pfv '"Oh no! Is it true?" (they wondered) looking from afar.' '"Puxa! Será verdade?" (especularam) olhando de longe.'

<sup>43</sup>The imperative suffix -*hʉ̃* has inherent distal deictic semantics.

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

(113) *"bahsañʉna!" basá-~yʉ́-(~hí')da* exrt-see/look-exrt<sup>44</sup> '"Let's go see!"' '"Vamos ver!"'

(114) *ti phare ma'ari hiatiri himarebʉ taati phaati … pʉʉʉ … a'ri mukʉ dʉhpʉripʉ.*

*tí-phá-ré* anph-time-obj *~ba'á-ri* path-pl *hí-ati-ri* cop-ipfv-nmlz *hí-~bare-bʉ* cop-rem.ipfv-epis *tá-átí* come-ipfv *phá-ati* time-ipfv *pʉ́* loc *a'rí* dem.prox *múkʉ.dʉhpʉri-pʉ* mukʉ.dʉhpʉri-loc

'[In those days it seems there were already paths coming all the way to *Mukʉ Dʉhpʉri* (*Ñahori*'s place).]'

'[Naqueles tempos parece que já existiam as trilhas vindo até ao *Mukʉ Dʉhpʉri* (lugar do *Ñahori*).]'

(115) *de ti wi'ichʉ wʉ'ʉ borawa'aa … karaa!*

*dé* intj:poor.one(s)! *ti=wi'í-chʉ* 3pl.poss=arrive.cis-sw.ref *wʉ'ʉ́* house *borá-wa'a-a karaa*

slide/fall-go-assert.pfv ontp:house.collapsing

'Poor folks! When they got there, the houses were already collapsing … *Karaa!*' (sound of houses falling down)

'Coitados! Quando chegaram, as casas já estavam caindo … *Karaa!*' (som das casas caindo)

(116) *"kue! do'se wa'aride" ni, phisumahkamaa tina ñahorire.*

*kué do'sé wa'á-ri-de*<sup>45</sup> *~dí*

intj:surprise q:what go-nmlz-neg.mir say

*phisú-~báká-~ba-a tí-~da ñáhórí-ré*

call-look.for-frus-assert.pfv anph-pl ñahori-obj

'"What in the world happened?" (they thought) calling out, looking (in vain) for *Ñahori* (and his family).'

<sup>44</sup>The exhortative is composed of elements bracketing the verb: initial *(ba)sa* and final *(hí')na*, both of which are frequently shortened as indicated.

<sup>45</sup>The morpheme *-de* seems to be a negative mirative, indicating both unexpected information and fear.

6 Kotiria

'"O que será que aconteceu?" (pensaram) chamando e procurando (em vão) *Ñahori* (e a familia).'

(117) *"ñahoriiii, ñahori pho'nakãããã, mʉhsare wãhapha'ñonohkaka," nia tina biarise.*

*ñáhórí* ñahori *ñáhórí* ñahori *~pho'dá-~ká* children-dim *~bʉsá-re* 2pl-obj *~wahá-~pha'yo-~doka-ka* kill-complete-together-assert.ipfv *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv *tí-~da* anph-pl *bíári-se* biari-contr

'"*Ñahori* … *Ñahori* children … (they've) killed all of you together!" the *Biari* cried.'

'"*Ñahori* … *Ñahori* filhos … mataram todos vocês juntos!" gritaram eles, os *Biari*.'

(118) *yʉ'tiera tina, yo'o khuinohkaa.*

*yʉ'ti-éra* answer-neg *tí-~da* anph-pl *yo'ó* slaughter *khuí-~doka-a* afraid-together-assert.pfv 'They (the ones who had escaped) didn't answer, fearful of being slaughtered.'

'Não respondiam (os que tinham escapado), com pavor de serem mortos.'

(119) *"marire pharituri wãhataa nina" nia.*

*~barí-re* 1pl.incl-obj *pharí-thu(a)-ri* time-return-nmlz *~wahá-ta-a* kill-come-pl *~dí-ra* prog-vis.ipfv.2/3 *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '"(They're) coming back to kill us!" (they) thought.' '"Vão vir de novo para nos matar!" pensaram.'

(120) *ba'aro, "no'oi wa'ari mʉhsa ñahori pho'nakã" nia.*

*ba'á-ró*<sup>46</sup> after-sg *~do'ó-i* q:where-loc.vis *wa'á-ri* go-q.pfv *~bʉsá* 2pl *ñáhórí* ñahori *~pho'dá-~ká* children-dim *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv 'Later, (the *Biari*) cried out, "Where have you gone, *Ñahori* children?"' 'Mais tarde, (os *Biari*) gritaram, "Onde foram vocês, filhos do *Ñahori*?"'

<sup>46</sup>Relative temporal reference is accomplished by stative roots 'do/be after' (also in line 76) or 'do/be before' (as in line 282), glossed with their basic semantics.


*tí-~da* anph-pl *a'rí-~da* dem.prox-pl *yuhṕi.díání* yuhpi.diani *tí-~da-~ka-re* anph-pl-dim-obj *~wahá-~pha'yo-chʉ-re* kill-complete-sw.ref-obj *a'rí-~da* dem.prox-pl *~dé* neg *~yáhórí-á* ñahori-pl *~badía-bo-ka* not.exist-dub-assert.ipfv

'[If *Yuhpi Diani* had killed off the little ones, there wouldn't be all these *Ñahoria*.]' (referring to the audience)

'[Se *Yuhpi Diani* tivesse matado os pequenos, não existiriam esses *Ñahoria*.]' (falando da plateia assistindo)

(123) *tinakã phʉaro mʉakã hia.*

*tí-~da-~ka* anph-pl-dim *phʉá-ro* two-sg *~bʉ́-a-~ka* man/person-pl-dim *hí-a* cop-assert.pfv 'There were two little boys.' 'Havia dois meninos.'

(124) *ã yoa mahkaphome yʉ'tia. "ʉʉʉʉʉʉʉʉ" nia. ~a=yóá* so=do *~baká-~phóbé* look.for-give.up *yʉ'tí-a* answer-assert.pfv *ʉʉʉʉʉʉʉʉ* intj:here! *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv 'When (the *Biari*) were about to give up looking, (the boys) answered: "*ʉʉʉʉʉʉ*." (We're here!)'

'Então quando (os *Biari*) já estavam cansandos de procurar, (os meninos) responderam: "*ʉʉʉʉʉʉ*." (Estamos aqui!)'


*dé* intj:poor.one(s)! *tí-~da-~ka* anph-pl-dim *to=~dabó-~sadubia* 3sg.poss=wife-pl.f *ti=wi'í-phi'ti-chʉ* 3pl.poss=arrive.cis-end-sw.ref *tí-~da-~ka-re* anph-pl-dim-obj *~dé* neg *do'sé* q:what *wa'á-ri* go-q.pfv *~bʉsá ~dí-a*

2pl say-assert.pfv

'When the poor little ones and *Ñahori*'s wives arrived, (they asked) them: "What happened to you?"'

'Quando os pequenos coitados (e) as esposas (do *Ñahori*) chegaram, perguntaram a eles: "O que aconteceu com vocês?"'

(127) *"yoatapʉ sã manʉre wãhanohkare" nia.*

*yoá-tá-pʉ́* do-come-loc *~sa=~badʉ́-ré* 1pl.excl.poss=husband-obj *~wahá-~doka-re* kill-together-vis.pfv.2/3 *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '"(They) all came to kill our husband," (the women) said.' '"Vieram matar nosso marido," disseram (as mulheres).'

(128) *"sãwaro a'rinakãre sã nai."*

*~sá-waro* 1pl.excl-emph *a'rí-~da-~ka-re* dem.prox-pl-dim-obj *~sá* 1pl.excl *~dá-i* get-vis.pfv.1 '"It was us, we took the little ones away."'

'"Nós mesmo, nós levamos esses pequenos."'

K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

(129) *"noana" nia. ~dóádá* that's.good *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '"Good thing!" (the *Biari*) answered.' '"Que bom!" responderam (os *Biari*).'

(130) *"a'rinakã phʉaro a'ri yaipiripʉre tuaro sã khã'i" nia a'rina to mahsawamisʉmʉabʉ'se.*

> *a'rí-~da-~ka* dem.prox-pl-dim *phʉá-ro* two-sg *a'rí* dem.prox *yaí-pírí-pʉ-re* jaguar-teeth-clf:basket-obj *túá-ró* strong-sg *~sá* 1pl.excl *~kha'í* care.for *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv *a'rí-~da* dem.prox-pl *to=~basa-~wabi-~sʉbʉa-bʉ'se*<sup>47</sup> 3sg.poss=people-older.brother-pl.kin-side

'"We will care for the two little ones (and) the jaguar-teeth basket (and other sacred objects)," his older brothers (the *Biari*) said.'

'"Nós cuidamos desses dois pequenos (e) o cesto de dentes-de-onça (e outros objetos sagrados)," diziam os irmão maiores dele (os *Biari*).'

(131) *tinakãre nawa'a te ti ñʉwa'aka'aa no'oi hʉ̃phi'ti, de khataro dʉ'tʉka'ai, ti yiriwʉrʉ khõaduhkua.*

*tí-~da-~ka-re* anph-pl-dim-obj *~dá-wa'a* get-go *té* until *tí(~da)* anph *~yʉ́-wa'a-ka'a-a* see/look-go-do.moving-assert.pfv *~do'ó-i* q:where-loc.vis *~hʉ́-phi'ti* burn-end *dé* intj:poor.one! *khatá-ró-dʉ'tʉka'a-i* flatbread.oven-clf:concave-edge-loc.vis *ti=yírí-wʉ'rʉ* 3pl.poss=skull-aug *~khoá-duku*48*-a* lie-stand-assert.pfv

'Taking the little ones (they) went looking around where the fire was going out, (and saw) the poor guy fallen at the edge of the oven, his big skull lying on the ground.'

<sup>47</sup>Teresinha's use of the noun *bʉ'se* 'side' here indicates this as a possible lexical origin of the contrastive marker *-se('e)* (see lines 84, 165, 273, 275, among others), a grammaticalization path from 'side' to 'contrastive other'.

<sup>48</sup>Note the serialization of two posture verbs, in which the second root *-duku* 'stand' indicates durative aspect. In this case, it emphasizes the complete immobility of the burned corpse lying there.

6 Kotiria

'Levando os pequenos, indo olhando onde o fogo estava acabando, (viram) o pobre corpo queimado do lado do forno, a caveira grande deitada no chão.'

(132) *ñahorikiro hʉ̃khõano.*

*ñáhórí-kíró* ñahori-m.rsp *~hʉ́* burn *~khoá-ro* lie-sg

'It was *Ñahori* lying there all burned up.'

'Era *Ñahori* deitado queimado.'

(133) *sua yʉ'dʉa mʉawa'a ñaina.*

*súá* angry *yʉ'dʉ́-á* intens-assert.pfv *~bʉ́-a-wa'a* man/person-pl-go *~yá-~ida* bad-nmlz.pl 'They became furious.' 'Ficaram enfurecidos.'

(134) *"noana, sã ba'ʉre yoaka" nia.*

*~dóádá* very.well *~sa=ba'ʉ́-re* 1pl.excl.poss=younger.brother-obj *yoá-ka*<sup>49</sup> do-assert.ipfv *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '"Very well, (they've) done this to our younger brother (killed him)," (the *Biari*) said.'

'"Tudo bem, já fizeram isso (mataram) nosso irmão," disseram (os *Biari*).'

(135) *thua wa'aa.*

*thúa-wa'a-a* return-go-assert.pfv 'They returned home.' 'Voltaram.'

(136) *hia ti phʉkʉro a'riro dianumia, mari ñʉhchʉ.*

*hí-a* cop-assert.pfv *ti=phʉkʉ́-ró* 3pl.poss=father-sg *a'rí-ro* dem.prox-sg *diánúmíá* dianumia

<sup>49</sup>Use of the imperfective assertion marker *–ka* (rather than the perfective *–a*) suggests a shared conclusion based on evidence they can all see.

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

(137) *"ne do'se wa'ari, pho'na."*

*~dé* intj:well *do'sé* q:what *wa'á-ri* go-q.pfv *~pho'dá* children '"Well, what happened, sons?" (*Dianumia Yairo* asked).' '"Então, o que aconteceu, filhos?" (*Dianumia Yairo* perguntou).'

(138) *"yoatapʉ sã ba'ʉre hʉ̃khõarokare. wãhahare" nia.*

*yoá-tá-pʉ́* do-emph-loc *~sa=ba'ʉ́-ré* 1pl.excl.poss=younger.brother-obj *~hʉ́-~khoa-doka-re* burn-lie-dist-vis.pfv.2/3 *~wahá-~ha-re* kill-compl-vis.pfv.2/3 *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '"Over there they burned our younger brother. (They) killed (him)!" (they) said.'

'"Lá longe queimaram nosso irmão. Mataram!" relataram.'

(139) *"noanoka yʉ pho'na, topuruta hiro, to yabu'iri hika." ~dóároka* enough! *yʉ=~pho'dá* 1sg.poss=children *tópuru-ta* that's.all-emph *hí-ro* cop-sg *to=yá-bu'i-ri* 3sg.poss=poss-cause-nmlz *hí-ka* cop-assert.ipfv '"Enough, my sons, it's over, it was his own fault."' "Basta, meus filhos, já chega, foi culpa dele mesmo."'

(140) *"ya'uchʉ, thʉ'o wamatierare" tiro nia tota ti phʉkʉrose dianumiase. ya'ú-chʉ́* warn-sw.ref *thʉ'́ó* hear *~waba-ti-éra-re* word-vbz-neg-vis.pfv.2/3 *tí-ró* anph-sg *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv *to-ta*<sup>50</sup> anph(3sg)-emph *ti=phʉkʉ́-ro-se* 3pl.poss=father-sg-contr *diánúmíá-sé* dianumia-contr '"I warned him, but he ignored (it)," he (*Dianumia Yairo*) retorted [disgusted]."

<sup>50</sup>Teresinha uses the expression *tota* (a short form of *tiro-ta* 'he there') for emphasis; indicating that *Dianumia Yairo* was expecting this to happen and is angered and disgusted by the situation. See the plural form of the expression, *tita* shortened from *tina-ta* in line 142.

6 Kotiria

'"Eu aconselhei, mas ele ignorou," ele (*Dianumia Yairo*) respondeu [desapontado]."

(141) *"hierara, kha'maeraha, sã phʉkʉ, (wãha)kha'makasininatha tirore." hi-éra-ra* cop-neg-vis.ipfv.2/3 *~kha'ba-éra-ha* want-neg-vis.ipfv.1 *~sa=phʉkʉ́* 1pl.excl.poss=father *(~waha)~kha'báka*51*-~sidi-~da-ta* (kill)recp-do.still-pl-intent *tí-ró-ré* anph-sg-obj '"No, we won't leave it at that, father. We're still going to avenge him."' '"Não queremos deixar por isso mesmo, pai. Vamos ainda vingar ele)."'

(142) *"bu'irimaniano tiro buhtibokari" nia tita tikhʉre.*

*bu'í-rí-~badia-ro* cause-nmlz-not.exist-sg *tí-ró* anph-sg *butí-bo-kari* disappear-dub-q.spec *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv *tí-ta* anph(3pl)-emph *tí-khʉ-re* anph-add-obj '"How could he just disappear without being avenged?" (they) added

that too.'

'"Como ele podia sumir sem ser vingado?" disseram bem assim também.'

(143) *ã hi'na mʉhsa mʉa ã nika patere.*

*~a=~hí'da* so=emph *~bʉsá* 2pl *~bʉ́-a* man/person-pl *~a=~dí-ka* so=say-assert.ipfv *pá-tere* alt-time '[Yes, you men sometimes like to say things like that.]' '[Sim, vocês homens às vezes gostam de falar essas coisas.]'

(144) *sã wãhahachʉ, sã ba'ʉre õse yoari hire nika, pairo duruku tuariro thʉ'omahsiriro.*

> *~sá* 1pl.excl *~wahá-~ha-chʉ* kill-compl-sw.ref *~sa=ba'ʉ́-re* 1pl.excl.poss=younger.brother-obj *~óse* like.this *yóá-rí* do-nmlz *hí-re* cop-obj *~dí-ka* say-assert.ipfv *pá-író* alt-nmlz.sg *dú-rúkú* speak-stand *tuá-ri-ro* strong-nmlz-sg *thʉ'ó-~basi-ri-ro* hear-know-nmlz-sg

'[When one of us is killed, (you) tell our brother to do that (fight, seek revenge), (or) some other one who talks big, is a braggart.]'

<sup>51</sup>The form *kha'maka* is a shortened form of *wãhakha'maka* 'kill together', meaning 'to avenge' (also in line 192).

'[Quando um de nós é morto, (vocês) falam ao nosso irmão assim mesmo (para brigar, vingar), (ou) algum outro que fala muito, que se acha valente.]'

(145) *"hai, ya'umai, ya'ukʉse, noana."*

*hái* intj:agree *ya'ú-~ba-i* warn-frus-vis.pfv.1 *ya'ú-kʉ-se* tell-m-contr *~dóádá* very.well '"Well then, I warned (you, in vain), I told (you) otherwise, (but) so be it."' (*Dianumia Yairo* speaking)

'"Então tá, eu avisei (em vão), aconselhei diferente, (mas) que seja assim."' (*Dianumia Yairo* falando)

(146) *"mʉhsabahsi mahsia, yʉ pho'na."*

*~bʉsá-básí* 2pl-emph *~basí-á* know-assert.pfv *yʉ=~pho'dá* 1sg.poss=children '"You take care of it yourselves, my sons."' '"Vocês mesmo resolvem, meus filhos."'

(147) *"mʉhsa padahchopʉ mʉhsa õse ya'uchʉ, thʉ'oduerana nina."*

*~bʉsá* 2pl *pá-dacho-pʉ* alt-day-loc *~bʉsá* 2pl *~óse* like.this *ya'ú-chʉ* warn-sw.ref *thʉ'ó-dua-era-~da* hear-des-neg-pl *~dí-ra*

prog-vis.ipfv.2/3

'"(I'm) warning you like this, (you) of this next (younger) generation, (but you) aren't listening."'

'"Eu estou aconselhando vocês assim, (vocês) dessa outra geração (mais nova), (mas vocês) não estão querendo ouvir."'

(148) *nisua, bu'sa wã'koa.*

*~dí-súá* say-angry *bu'sá* adornment *~wa'kó-a* prepare-assert.pfv 'Saying that angrily, (*Dianumia Yairo*) prepared adornments.' 'Dizendo assim chateado, (*Dianumia Yairo*) preparou enfeites.'

(149) *tiro bʉhkʉro, mʉ'nokʉ phʉadʉ noano ñariro phutisu'aa. tí-ró* anph-sg *bʉkʉ́-ro* ancestor-sg *~bʉ'dó-kʉ́* tobacco-clf:cylindrical *phʉá-dʉ́* two-clf:cylindrical *~dóá-ró ~yá-ri-ro phutí-su'a-a*

good-sg bad-nmlz-sg blow-penetrate-assert.pfv

'The old guy made two cigars, blowing smoke on them (to bless, or imbue them with violence for success in battle).'

'O velho fez dois bons cigarros e soprou neles (fez benzimento de força e violência para vencer na guerra).'

(150) *tina, ã yoata ni, wamoare kha'notu'sʉa.*

*tí-~da* anph-pl *~a=yóá-ta* so=do-emph *~dí* say *~wabóá-rí* weapons-pl *~kha'dó-tu'sʉ-a* prepare/organize-finish-assert.pfv

'They (the *Biari*), as soon as he said that, set straight away to preparing their weapons.'

'Eles (os *Biari*), assim que ele (*Dianumia Yairo*) falou isso, já começaram a preparar as armas.'

(151) *sõ'o sã mipʉ hirore, bʉeakhanʉ peri hiatimare, bʉea, bʉeakhanʉ õmahadohtori waro.*

*~so'ó* deic.dist *~sa=~bí-pʉ́* 1pl.excl.poss=now-loc *hí-ro-re* cop-sg-obj *bʉé-a-~khadʉ* arrow-pl-cane *péri* many *hí-ati-~bare* cop-ipfv-rem.ipfv *bʉé-a* arrow-pl *bʉé-a-~khadʉ* arrow-pl-cane *~ó-~báhá-dótó-rí* deic.prox-mov.upward-bundle-pl *wáró* emph

'[There, in the place we live now (Matapi), there used to be a lot of arrow-cane, arrows, arrow-cane, big bundles this tall.]

'[Ali, no lugar onde moramos agora (Matapi), havia muita cana-de-flecha, flechas, cana-de-flecha, montes de feixes altos assim.]'

(152) *seis dohtori noano yoaa.*

*seis* six *dotó-rí* bundle-pl *~dóá-ró* good-sg *yoá-a* do-assert.pfv '(Each warrier) made six good bundles (of arrows).' '(Cada guerreiro fez seis feixes (de flechas).'

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

(153) *"kho'taharo sãre sã ba'ʉ yuhpi diani," nirokaata.*

*kho'tá-ha-ro* wait-compl-sg *~sá-re* 1pl.excl-obj *~sa=ba'ʉ́* 1pl.excl.poss=younger.brother *yuhpí.diáni* yuhpi.diani *~dí-dóká-á-tá*

say-dist-assert.pfv-emph

'"Tell our younger brother *Yuhpi Diani* to be expecting us," they sent off a message.'

'"Avisa ao nosso irmão menor *Yuhpi Diani* que vamos chegar," mandaram recado.'

(154) *mʉ'ʉ hii di'tamaniano wãhaboakʉ.*

*~bʉ'ʉ́ hí-i di'tá-~badia*52*-ro ~wahá-bo-a-kʉ*

2sg cop-m dirt-not.exist-sg kill-dub-affect-m

'[(But) if it were you, better to attack without letting them know!]' (Teresinha jokes with Joselito)

'[(Mas) se fosse você, melhor atacar sem avisar!]' (Teresinha brinca com Joselito)

(155) *ñaina bʉrʉta õna ma'apʉ taa te wãhsipiria tũhkui.*

*~yá-~ida* bad-nmlz.pl *bʉrʉ́-ta* go.downriver-come *~ó-(~hí')da* deic.prox-emph *~ba'á-pʉ́* path-loc *tá-á* come-assert.pfv *té* until *wãhsipiria* wãhsipiria *~túkú-í* pond-loc.vis

'The warriors came down right over here, on the river, coming right up to the *Wãhsipiria* pond (river port).'

'Os guerreiros vinham descendo bem aqui, no caminho (pelo rio), vindo até o poço de *Wãhsipiria* (porto no rio).'

(156) *ti bʉhsoka hia phiriaka'saribʉhsoka.*

*ti=bʉsó-ka* 3pl.poss=canoe-clf:round *hí-a* cop-assert.pfv *phí-ria-ka'sa-ri-bʉso-ka* big-clf:round-bark-nmlz-canoe-clf:round

'Their canoes were huge bark canoes.'

'Suas canoas enormes eram feitas com casca de árvores.'

<sup>52</sup>The expression *di'tamania* 'no dirt' means to 'do something in silence'.

6 Kotiria

(157) *do'se ka'saribʉhsokare yoari hi'na ñaina. do'sé* q:how *ka'sá-rí-bʉ́só-ká-ré* bark-nmlz-canoe-clf:round-obj *yoá*53*-ri* do/make-q.pfv *~hí'da* emph *~yá-~ida* bad-nmlz.pl '[How did the warriors make those bark canoes?]' '[Como os guerreiros faziam essas canoas de casca?]'

(158) *õna bʉrʉtaa.*

*~ó-(~hi')da* deic.prox-emph *bʉrʉ́-ta-a* go.downriver-come-assert.pfv 'Right down here (they) came.' 'Desceram bem para cá.'

(159) *õre wa'aa, õre yʉ'dopo'o.*

*~ó-ré* deic.prox-obj *wa'á-a* go-assert.pfv *~ó-ré* deic.prox-obj *yʉ'dó-po'o* drag.canoe-place.floating 'They went (through the rapids), dragging the canoes (on the rocks) over here.'<sup>54</sup>

'Passaram (a cachoeira), arrastando as canoas (pelas pedras) aqui.'

(160) *ñaina phiriaka bihsibʉrʉaduhkua noano me'neta pu … pu .. .puuuuuuu, ~yá-~ida* bad-nmlz.pl *phíríá-ká* flute-clf:round *bisí-bʉ́rʉ́-á-dúkú-a* sound-go.downriver-go-stand-assert.pfv *~dóá-ró=~be're-ta* good-sg=com-emph *pu…pu…puuuuuuu* ontp:flute.playing 'The warriors came down to the constant sound of *phiriaka* flutes: *pu … pu … puuuuuuu!*' 'Os guerreiros vinham descendo sempre ao som das flautas *phiriaka*: *pu … pu … puuuuuuu!*'

<sup>53</sup>The root *yoa* means 'do' or 'make', and is glossed with the meaning appropriate to the context. <sup>54</sup>Teresinha gestures to the locations she is referring to, all near the village where the narrative was recorded.

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

(161) *kho'tathu'sʉmaa, tinakãkhʉ. sʉ̃pa tina bʉeri himarepha tinare.*

*kho'tá-thu'sʉ-~ba-a* wait-finish-ready-assert.pfv *tí-~da-~ka-khʉ* anph-pl-dim-add *~sʉ́-pa* arrive.trns-bring.to.shore *tí-~da* anph-pl *bʉé-rí* arrow.shoot-pl *hí-~bare-pha* cop-rem.ipfv-time *tí-~da-re* anph-pl-obj

'(*Yuhpi Diani*'s men) were already there ready waiting, (and) when (the *Biari*) landed, they starting right in firing arrows at them.'

'Os (guerreiros de *Yuhpi Diani*) também já estavam esperando de prontidão (e) quando (os *Biari*) encostaram, já começaram a flechá-los.'

(162) *tinakãkhʉ yoakha'ma, wãhañoeraa ñaina.*

*tí-~da-~ka-khʉ* anph-pl-dim-add *yoá-~kha'ba* do-recp *~waha-~yo-éra-a* kill-do.immediately-neg-assert.pfv *~yá-~ida* bad-nmlz.pl

'They too (*Yuhpi Diani*'s men) returned fire, (but the *Biari*) weren't hit.' 'Os (guerreiros do *Yuhpi Diani*) também começaram a flechar de volta, (mas os *Biari*) não morriam.'

(163) *de to kaseroakã …*

*dé* intj:poor.one(s)! *to=kaséro-a-~ka* 3sg.poss=servant-pl-dim 'Poor guys, his (*Yuhpi Diani*'s) servants …' 'Coitados, os criados (do *Yuhpi Diani*) …'

(164) *tiata noano wi'ichʉ, de õita tiro du'tihã hi'na, bʉea tinare phi'tiawa'aa.*

*tíá-ta* three-emph *~dóá-ró* good-sg *wi'í-chʉ* arrive.cis-sw.ref *dé* intj:poor.one! *~ó-i-ta* deic.prox-loc.vis-emph *tí-ró* anph-sg *du'tí-~ha* escape-compl *~hí'da* emph *bʉé-a* arrow-pl *tí-~da-re*<sup>55</sup> anph-pl-obj *phi'tí-a-wa'a-a* end-affect-go-assert.pfv 'After three rounds (of arrows) had arrived, with the next round, the

poor guy (*Yuhpi Diani*) ran off, the arrows running out on them.'

<sup>55</sup>Use of the objective case suffix *-re* on the pronoun *tina* and the marker*-a* on the verb emphasize how the subject is being negatively affected by the situation.

'Depois de chegarem três levas (de flechas), na outra o coitado (*Yuhpi Diani*) acabou fugindo, as flechas deles acabando.'

(165) *siesere ã yoa duhkuhãa nia painase.*

*sié-(bʉ')se-re* front-side-obj *~a=yóá* so=do *dukú-~ha-a* stand-compl-pl *~dí-a* prog-assert.pfv *pá-~ida-se* alt-nmlz.pl-contr '(While) from the opposite side the others (*Biari*) continued on (shooting).'

'(Enquanto) do outro lado os outros (os *Biari*) continuavam (a flechar).'

(166) *phome, ba'aro utimu, ti sʉ̃chʉ, tinare tãa dohkare.*

*~phobé* give.up *ba'á-ró* after-sg *utimu* last.one *ti=~sʉ́-chʉ́* 3pl.poss=arrive.trns-sw.ref *tí-~da-re* anph-pl-obj *~tá-a* rock-pl *doká-re* throw-vis.pfv.2/3

'Already exhausted, after their (the *Biari*'s) last (arrow) arrived, (*Yuhpi Diani*'s servants) threw rocks (at the *Biari*).'

'Já cansados, depois que chegou a última (flecha dos *Biari*), (os criados de *Yuhpi Diani*) jogaram pedras (nos *Biari*).'

(167) *toi ni ã yoari himarebʉ sõ'o khã nʉhkore …*

*tó-i* rem-loc.vis *~dí* say *~a=yóá-rí* so=do-nmlz *hí-~bare-bʉ* cop-rem.ipfv-epis *~so'ó* deic.dist *~khá-~dʉko-re* hawk-island-obj 'There, it's said (that), in the old times, there in *Khã Nʉhko* …'

'Lá, dizem então, que lá nos tempos antigos, em *Khã Nʉhko* …'

(168) *thu'sʉ, pitiasama sa'ari himarebʉta. thu'sʉ́* finish *pítia~saba* war.trench *sa'á-ri* dig-nmlz *hí-~bare-bʉ-ta* cop-rem.ipfv-epis-emph 'in the end, (*Yuhpi Diani*'s men) dug trenches, it seems that's just how it was.' 'no final (os criados de *Yuhpi Diani*) cavaram trincheiras, parece que foi

assim mesmo.'

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

(169) *"ã hiro to pitiasama to di khõarinʉhko hira, yʉ mahko."*

*~a=hí-ro* so=cop-sg *to=ṕitia~saba* 3sg.poss=war.trench *to=dií* 3sg.poss=blood *~khoá-ri-~dʉko* lie-nmlz-island *hí-ra* cop-vis.ipfv.2/3 *yʉ=~bakó* 1sg.poss=daughter

'["That why it's an island (that has) trenches with their spilled blood, my daughter," (my father said).56]'

'["Por isso, é uma ilha (que tem) buracos com sangue deles derramado, minha filha," (dizia meu pai).]'

(170) *"patere bʉhkʉthuru so'toapʉre kha'mawãha buhtiaka a'ri nʉhkore." pátere* maybe *bʉkʉ́-thúrú* old-times *so'tóa-pʉ-re* end-loc-obj *~kha'bá-~waha* do/bring.together-kill *butí-a-ka a'rí ~dʉkó-re*

disappear-pl-predict dem.prox island-obj

'["Maybe, in the future they're all going to kill each other and disappear from the island."]'

'["Talvez, no futuro vão se-matar e sumir todos dessa ilha."]'

(171) *niatire mai, yʉ ñʉhchʉmʉnano.*

*~dí-átí-ré* say-ipfv-vis.pfv.2/3 *~baí* father *yʉ=~yʉchʉ́-~bʉ́dá-ró* 1sg.poss=grandfather-deceased-sg '[My dad (and) my late grandfather used to say that.]' '[Assim papai (e) meu avô finado contavam.]'

(172) *yʉ phʉkʉ niya'ure, niya'utire.*

*yʉ=phʉkʉ́* 1sg.poss=father *~dí-yá'ú-ré* say-tell-vis.pfv.2/3 *~dí-yá'ú-átí-ré* say-tell-ipfv-vis.pfv.2/3 '[My father told (me), used to tell (me).]' '[Meu pai contou, contava.]'

<sup>56</sup>Teresinha explicitly attributes this negative assessment of the neighboring island and its inhabitants to her father, perhaps as a way to sidestep responsibility for it. Her use of the epistemic expression *himarebʉta* just two lines earlier may also signal that she is aware she is entering into delicate politico-narrative territory.

6 Kotiria

(173) *ã to dikhõano hiro niyu'ka to. ã hia tina kha'machʉa phayʉ nika tore. ~a=tó* so=rem *dií-~khoa-ro* blood-lie-sg *hí-ro* cop-sg *~dí-yu'ka*<sup>57</sup> say-rep.qot *tó* rem *~a=hí-a* so=cop-assert.pfv *tí-~da* anph-pl *~kha'báchʉ-a* fight-pl *phayʉ́* many *~dí-ka* prog-assert.ipfv *tó-re* rem-obj '[So they say it's a place that has spilled bood. That's why they're always fighting there.]' '[Dizem que é um lugar de sangue derramado. É por isso que estão

sempre brigando lá.]'

(174) *ti(na) pimʉ'nonore bahsama'noeina, õse ti(na) bihsiawe boowema'noeno.*

*tí* anph *pí-~bʉ'do-ro-re* war-tobacco-sg-obj *basá*58*-~ba'doé-~ida* bless-not.do-nmlz.pl *~óse* like.this *ti=bisí-a-we* 3pl.poss=sweet-affect-mov.through *bó-o-we-~ba'doé-ro* descend-caus-mov.through-not.do-sg

'[They're ones who never received the (anti-)war blessing, to make them sweet (calm, non-violent).]'

'[Eles que são não benzidos (contra) guerra, que os tornariam doces (calmos, não-violentos).]'

(175) *bahsama'noeri nʉhko hikano nika, yo'o ti nʉhko.*

*basá-~ba'doé-ri* bless-not.do-nmlz *~dʉkó* island *hí-ka-ro* cop-predict-sg *~dí-ka* prog-assert.ipfv *yo'ó* slaughter *tí* anph *~dʉkó* island '[It will always be an unblessed island, a violent island.]'

'[Será sempre uma ilha que não foi benzida, uma ilha de violência.]'

<sup>57</sup>Use of the quotative evidential in these statements is another strategy by which Teresinha can attribute a negative opinion to others.

<sup>58</sup>The root *bahsa* is used with a range of meanings, including 'dance/sing' (see lines 235, 237 and 'bless'.

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

(176) *õse wamoa ti da'rasuariro.*

*~óse* like.this *~wabóá* violence *tí* anph *da'rá-sua*59*-ri-ro* work-angry-nmlz-sg '[So everyone is violent.]'

'[Assim todos são violentos.]'

### (177) *ã yoa phomea.*

*~a=yóá* so=do *~phobé-a* give.up-assert.pfv 'So, (they, *Yuhpi Diani*'s servants) gave up.' 'Então, (eles, os criados de *Yuhpi Diani*) desistiram.'

(178) *"marire phi'tiera a'ri marire" ni tinakã du'tika'aa te khã pho'tai. ~barí-re* 1pl.incl-obj *phi'ti-éra* end-neg *a'rí* dem.prox *~barí-re* 1pl.incl-obj *~dí* say *tí-~da-~ka* anph-pl-dim *du'tí-ka'a-a* escape-do.moving-assert.pfv *té* until *~khá-pho'ta-i* hawk-headwater-loc.vis *)* '"This (attack) against us never ends!" (they) said (and escaped off to the headwaters of the Inambú stream (*Khã Pho'tai*).' '"Esse (ataque) não acaba!" disseram (e) fugiram até a cabeceira do igarapé Inambú (*Khã Pho'tai*).'

(179) *no'oi hiharita baraphoa? no'oi hikarita ti phoayeri?*

*~do'ó-i* q:where-loc.vis *hí-hari-ta* cop-q.ipfv-emph *bará-phoa* potato.sp-falls/rapids *~do'ó-i* q:where-loc.vis *hí-kari-ta* cop-q.spec-emph *tí* anph *phoá-yeri* falls/rapids-pl

'[Where are those 'potato' rapids?<sup>60</sup> I wonder where those rapids are.]'

'[Onde fica essa cachoeira de 'batata'? Não sei onde fica essa cachoeira.]'

<sup>59</sup>The expression *da'ra-sua* indicates it's as if they always had weapons in their hands (instead of tools or other normal work instruments), see line 150.

<sup>60</sup>Teresinha uses the name by which the rapids are currently known.

(180) *kha pho'tai, toi hia.*

*khá-pho'ta-i* hawk-headwater-loc.vis *tó-i* rem-loc.vis *hí-a* cop-assert.pfv (Joselito responds) '[The Inambú (hawk) headwaters are over there.]' (Joselito responde) '[A cabeçeira do Inambú (gavião) é para lá.]'

(181) *"ne," nimato, de ne mania.*

*~dé* intj:hello *~dí-~ba-to* say-frus-nmlz.loc/evnt *dé* intj:poor.one(s)! *~dé* neg *~badía* not.exist '"Hello?" (*Diani*'s warriors, the *Biari*) called out (in vain), but poor guys, there was no one.'

'"Alô?" (os guerreiros do Diani, os *Biari*) chamaram (em vão), mas coitados, não havia ninguém.'

(182) *mahka tini manieno: "no'oi wa'ari" ni.*

*~baká-~tidi* look.for-wander.around *~badié-ro* not.have-sg *~do'ó-i* q:where-loc.vis *wa'á-ri* go-q.pfv *~dí* say 'Looking all over (the island): "Where have they gone?" (they) wondered.'

'Procurando por toda parte (da ilha): "Onde foram?" se perguntaram.'

(183) *tia nʉmʉ hi, panʉmʉ ñami bʉrʉta ñaina.*

*tíá* three *~dʉbʉ́* day *hí* cop *pá-~dʉbʉ* alt-day *~yabí* night *bʉrʉ́-ta* go.downriver-come *~yá-~ida* bad-nmlz.pl 'Three days passed (and) the next night (*Dianumia Yairo* and his warriors from Matapi) came downriver.'

'Passaram três dias (e) no dia seguinte de noite (*Dianumia Yairo* e os guerreiros de Matapi) vinham descendo.'

(184) *de thʉ'oboropʉ tho! tho! tho!*

*dé* intj:poor.one(s)! *thʉ'ó-boro-pʉ* hear-separate.into.pieces-loc *tho!…tho!…tho!* ontp:chopping

'Poor guys (*Yuhpi Diani*'s servants). (The *Biari*) could hear from afar the sound of chopping: *Tho! Tho! Tho!*'

'Coitados (os criados de *Yuhpi Diani*). (Os *Biari*) ouviram de longe o som de batidas: *Tho! Tho! Tho!*'

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral


construir) uma barricada.'

*a'rí* dem.prox *cerca*<sup>62</sup> fence *thu'sʉ́-a* finish-assert.pfv *to=~bʉhá-phísá-tó* 3sg.poss=mov.upward-be.on-nmlz.loc/evnt 'They finished the barricade, where they could be up high (on a platform).'

'Acabaram a barricada, onde subiam bem no alto (numa plataforma).'

(187) *'khakhasario' nimarebʉ tokhʉre, khakhasario ti yoario.*

*khá-khásá-ríó* hawk-platform-clf:flat *~dí-~bare-bʉ* say-rem.ipfv-epis *tó-khʉ-re* def-add-obj *khá-khásá-ríó* hawk-platform-clf:flat *ti=yoá-rio* 3pl.poss=do-clf:flat

'It was called then *khakhasario*, it was a "hawk's nest" that they built.'

'Era chamada naquele tempo de *khakhasario*, foi "ninho de gavião" que fizeram.'

(188) *tiñami toi koatare nia, "ne hiharo khatiduaro" nika tiro.*


<sup>61</sup>Some verbs in Kotiria have causative forms derived from the root+causative suffix *-o*, as we see here in the nominalized form *pakhuoina* 'other frightened/terrified ones'.

<sup>62</sup>Here Teresinha uses a borrowed word from Portuguese *cerca* 'fence' to refer to the barricade.

6 Kotiria

*hí-haro*<sup>63</sup> cop-imp.3 *khatí-dúá-ró* live-des-sg *~dí-ka* say-assert.ipfv *tí-ró* anph-sg

'That night, hearing the noise from up there (*Dianumia Yairo*) said: "Don't (attack), let (*Yuhpi Diani*) survive."'

'Naquela noite, ouvindo o som vindo de lá (*Dianumia Yairo*) disse: "Não (ataca), deixa (*Yuhpi Diani*) sobreviver."'

(189) *"to yabu'iri, mʉhsa koiro thʉ'oerare."*

*to=yá-bu'i-ri* 3sg.poss=poss-cause-nmlz *~bʉsa=kó-iro* 2pl.poss=relative-nmlz.sg *thʉ'o-éra-re* hear-neg-vis.pfv.2/3 '"He's at fault, your brother wouldn't listen."' '"Ele é culpado, seu irmão não ouvia (meus conselhos)."'

(190) *"hira to pho'nakã ñahoriakã, tina mahsaphutiaka" nimaati.*

*hí-ra* cop-vis.ipfv.2/3 *to=~pho'dá-~ka* 3sg.poss=children-dim *ñáhórí-á-~ká* ñahori-pl-dim *tí-~da* anph-pl *~basá-phú-tí-á-ká* people-expand-vbz-pl-predict *~dí-~ba-ati* say-frus-ipfv

'"(But) there are two *Ñahori* children, they will multiply (reproduce)," (*Yuhpi Diani*) said (in vain, still trying to convince them).'

'"(Mas) há dois pequenos filhos do *Ñahori*, eles se multiplicarão," disse (*Yuhpi Diani* em vão, tentando convencê-los).'

(191) *"kha'maeraha, kha'maeraha, kha'maeraha, kha'maerakãha" nia.*

*~kha'ba-éra-ha* want-neg-vis.ipfv.1 *~kha'ba-éra-ha* want-neg-vis.ipfv.1 *~kha'ba-éra-ha* want-neg-vis.ipfv.1 *~kha'ba-éra-~ka-ha* want-neg-dim-vis.ipfv.1 *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv

'"We refuse! We refuse! We refuse! We absolutely refuse!" (they) insisted.'

'"Não queremos! Não queremos! Não queremos! Não queremos mesmo!" insistiram.'

<sup>63</sup>The suffix *-haro* is a third-person imperative 'allow him to be one who lives'. See another instance of the same morpheme in line 234.

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

(192) *"(wãha)kha'makasininatha ñatiaro yoari hire," niatia. (~waha)~kha'báka-~sidi-~da-ta*<sup>64</sup> (kill)recp-do.still-pl-emph *~yá-ti-a-ro* bad-attrib-affect-sg *yoá-ri* do-nmlz(infer) *hí-re* cop-vis.pfv.2/3 *~dí-ati-a* say-ipfv-assert.pfv '"We're still going to avenge (our brother) for the evil done to him," they kept saying.' "Ainda vamos vingá-lo (nosso irmão) pelo mal feito a ele," ficavam dizendo.' (193) *"hai" ni. hái* intj:agree *~dí* say '"All right" (*Dianumia Yairo*) said.' '"Está bom," falou (*Dianumia Yairo*).' (194) *thʉ'oa, ñami no'opeina taa nia ñaina, quatro ou seis hiari ti(na)? thʉ'ó-a* hear-pl *~yabí* night *~do'ó-pe-~ida* q-qant.c-nmlz.pl *tá-a* come-pl *~dí-a* prog-assert.pfv *~yá-~ida* bad-nmlz.pl *quatro* four *ou* or *seis* six *hí-a-ri* cop-pl-q.pfv *tí(~da)* anph 'Hearing (the sounds from the barracade), at night … [how many

warriors were there – four or six of them maybe?]'

'Ouvindo (os barulhos da barricada), de noite … [quantos guerreiros eram – quatro ou seis talvez?]'

(195) *wa'awa'atha ñamitha pʉ cerca.*

*wa'á-wa'a-a-ta* go-go-assert.pfv-emph *~yabí-ta* night-emph *pʉ́* dist *cerca* fence '(They) went right up to the barricade.' 'Foram indo até perto da barricada.'

<sup>64</sup>Here we see an example of the suffixes *-na-ta* marking 1pl intent (see also lines 69 and 87) in contrast to 1sg intent (in lines 13, 45, and others). We also find a good example of inference evidential marking, used because the speakers only saw the result of what was done to their brother, but not the actual actions. The expression *(wãha)kha'maka* is understood to mean 'kill as was done to them', in other words, to avenge.

6 Kotiria

(196) *noano õsekã yoamaati tinakã, cerca ne suhsueraro.*

*~dóá-ró* good-sg *~óse-~ka* like.this-dim *yoá-~ba-ati* do-frus-ipfv *tí-~da-~ka* anph-pl-dim *cerca* fence *~dé* neg *susu-éra-ro*

have.holes-neg-sg

'They (*Yuhpi Diani*'s servants) were making a good barricade, like this with no open spaces (to get through).'

'Eles (os criados do *Yuhpi Diani*) estavam fazendo a barricada bem feita assim, sem frestas (para alguem passar).'

(197) *ñariro hũiro dohomʉaa.*

*~yá-ri-ro* bad-nmlz-sg *~hú-iro* worm-nmlz.sg *dohó-~bʉ*65*-(wa')a-a* transform-run-go-assert.pfv '*Dianumia Yairo* (and his men) quickly transformed into worms.'

'*Dianumia Yairo* (e os guerreiros) rapidamente se transformaram em minhocas.'

(198) *bʉhkʉthurupʉ hiri himarero, doho sã'a phitiawa'aa.*

*bʉkʉ́-thúrú-pʉ́* ancestor-times-loc *hí-ri* cop-nmlz *hí-~bare-ro* cop-rem.ipfv-sg *dohó* transform *~sa'á* mov.inside *phíti-a-wa'a-a*

accompany-pl-go-assert.pfv

'[That's the way it was in ancient times, (they) transformed (and) all of them went (into the ground).]'

'[Era assim nos tempos antigos, se transformavam (e) entraram todos (na terra).]'

(199) *ti sãsʉrʉka'achʉwaro, nia to kaseroa:*

*ti=~sá('a)-sʉrʉ-ka'a-chʉ-waro* 3pl.poss=mov.inside-pause-beside-sw.ref-emph *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv *to=kaséro-a* 3sg.poss=servant-pl

'When they came out right beside (*Yuhpi Diani*'s) servants, they cried out:'

'Quando eles sairam bem perto dos criados (do *Yuhpi Diani*), eles gritaram:'

<sup>65</sup>When the root *mʉ* 'run' occurs in a serial verb construction it adds the adverbial notion to 'do X quickly'.

(200) *"sã phʉ'toro duhitaga mʉ'ʉ." ~sa=phʉ'tó-ro* 1pl.excl.poss=master-sg *duhí-ta-ga* descend-come-imp *~bʉ'ʉ́* 2sg '"Come down, master!"' '"Desça, chefe!"'

(201) *"mʉ'ʉ 'dʉhkaboha nimeheta', mʉ'ʉ sãre tire wã'kore." ~bʉ'ʉ́* 2sg *dʉka-bo-ha* begin-dub-vis.ipfv.1 *~dí-~beheta* say-neg.intens *~bʉ'ʉ́* 2sg *~sá-re* 1pl.excl-obj *tí-re* anph-obj *~wa'kó-re* cause.to.happen-vis.pfv.2/3 '"You (decided) 'I'm going to start (this war)', it's your fault this is happening to us!"' '"Você (resolveu) 'Eu vou começar (essa guerra)', é sua culpa o que está acontecendo conosco!"'

(202) *taga mʉ'ʉkhʉ sã da'rana yoakha'maha sã," nia.*

*tá-gá* come-imp *~bʉ'ʉ́-khʉ* 2sg-add *~sa=da'rá-~da* 1pl.excl.poss=work-pl *yoá-~kha'ba-ha* do-recp-vis.ipfv.1 *~sá* 1pl.excl *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '"You come too, to help with our work," (the servants) said.' '"Venha você também ajudar o nosso trabalho," falaram.'

(203) *"hai" ni.*

*hái* intj:agree *~dí* say '"All right," said (*Yuhpi Diani*).' '"Está bom," disse (*Yuhpi Diani*).'

(204) *ñaina dohamʉaa ti(na)tha tirore.*

*~yá~-ida* bad-nmlz.pl *dohá-~bʉa-a* neg.curse-high-assert.pfv *tí-ta* anph-emph *tí-ró-ré* anph-sg-obj '(The servants) sent up a curse on him (*Yuhpi Diani*).' '(Os criados) amaldiçoaram o (*Yuhpi Diani*).'

(205) *"hai" ni tirore sĩ'ariphĩ sĩ'a.*

*hái* intj:agree *~dí* say *tí-ró-ré* anph-sg-obj *~si'á-ri-~phi* set.fire.to-nmlz-clf:bladelike *~si'á-a* set.fire.to-assert.pfv '"All right," he said (and they) lit up a torch (to light the way) for him.' '"Está bom," ele disse (e) acenderam uma tocha para (clarear o caminho) para ele.'

(206) *sĩ'a duhiato pakhuoriro …*

*~si'á* set.fire.to *duhí-(wa')a-to* descend-go-nmlz.loc/evnt *pá-khui-o-ri-ro* alt-afraid-caus-nmlz-sg 'With the light, the poor terrified guy (*Yuhpi Diani*) started down …' 'Com a luz, o coitadinho assustado foi descendo …'

(207) *pʉ! "mʉ'ʉ … yabari … dahchomahkamahkari tañore dʉhte taga mʉ'ʉbahsi" nia.*

> *pʉ́* dist *~bʉ'ʉ́* 2sg *yabá-rí* q:what/how-q.pfv *dachó~baka-~baka-ri* middle/center-origin-nmlz *~tayó-re* beam-obj *dʉte-ta-ga ~bʉ'ʉ́-básí ~dí-a*

chop-come-imp 2sg-emph say-assert.pfv

'Coming way down! "You [how was it?] you yourself cut the central beam (of the barricade)," (the servants) said.'

'Descendo tudo! "Você [como foi?] você mesmo venha cortar o travessão do meio (da barricada)," disseram (os criados).'

(208) *"hai" ni. sĩ'aborataa.*

*hái* intj:agree *~dí* say *~si'á-bora-ta-a* set.fire.to-slide/fall-come-assert.pfv '"OK" (*Yuhpi Diani*) said (and) came sliding down.' '"Está bom," respondeu (*Yuhpi Diani*), e veio descendo escorregando.'

(209) *to sĩ'aphĩri sĩ'a, yoariphĩ ña'a, to dʉhteka'achʉwaro, ñaina ña'atu'sʉa tirore.*

*to=~si'á-~phi-ri* 3sg.poss=set.fire.to-clf:bladelike-pl *~si'á* set.fire.to *yoá-rí-~phí* long-nmlz-clf:bladelike *~ya'á* grab *to=dʉté-ká'á-chʉ́-wáró* 3sg.poss=chop-do.moving-sw.ref-emph *~yá-~ida* bad-nmlz.pl *~ya'á-thu'sʉ-a* grab-finish-assert.pfv *tí-ró-ré* anph-sg-obj

'With his torch burning, he grabbed his machete (and) when he started to chop (the beam), the warriors (*Biari*) captured him.'

'Com a tocha acesa, pegou o terçado (e) quando começou a cortar (o travessão), os guerreiros (*Biari*) o capturaram.'

(210) *"kueeee! yʉ kha'makã, yʉ'ʉ́re ña'atu'sʉra ñaina."*

*kueeeee!* intj:No! *yʉ=~kha'bá-~ka* 1sg.poss=bring.together-dim *yʉ'ʉ́-ré* 1sg-obj *~ya'á-thu'sʉ-ra* grab-finish-vis.ipfv.2/3 *~yá-~ida* bad-nmlz.pl '"No! Servants, the warriors have captured me!"' '"Não! Criados, os guerreiros me pegaram!"'


*tí-~da* anph-pl *~yabí-ré* night-obj *yo'ó* in.contrast *da'rá-~baka-~tidi-ka('a)-a* work-look.for-wander.around-do.moving-assert.pfv '(But) in the dark, they just ran around like this looking for (things).' '(Mas), no escuro, eles só andaram assim para lá e para cá procurando.'

(213) *tirore ña'atu'sʉrasi, ña'adi'okãhãa. tí-ró-ré* anph-sg-obj *~ya'á-thu'sʉ́ra-~si(di)* grab-finish-do.now *~ya'á-di'o-~ka-~ha-a* grab-restrain-dim-compl-assert.pfv

6 Kotiria

'(The warriors) had already captured him (*Yuhpi Diani*), (and he) couldn't move.'

'(Os guerreiros) já tinham capturado *Yuhpi Diani*, (e ele) não conseguia se mexer.'

(214) *ña'amahare kãku õi su'su.*

*~ya'á-~báhá-ré* grab-mov.upward-vis.pfv.2/3 *~kákú* throw.on.ground *~ó-i* deic.prox-loc.vis *su'sú* embrace '(They) threw him down on the ground, holding him here.'

'Derrubaram jogando no chão, segurando aqui assim.'

(215) *ti(na) to a'ri tañobaro topʉta du'upayoa to dʉhsore.*

*tí* anph *to* def *a'rí* dem.prox *~tayó=ba'ro* beam=clf:kind *tó-pʉ-ta* def-loc-emph *du'ú-páyó-á* leave-put.on.top-assert.pfv *to=dʉsó-re* 3sg.poss=thigh-obj

'On a beam just like this one here, they (*Dian*i's warriors) left his (*Yuhpi Diani*'s) leg.'

'Eles (os guerreiros do *Diani*), num travessão tipo esse mesmo, deixaram a coxa dele (do *Yuhpi Diani*) bem em cima.'

(216) *yo'o tinapʉ (hi')na khomakhʉ, yaba hiri himarero?*

*yo'ó* in.contrast *tí-~da-pʉ* anph-pl-loc *~(hi')da* emph *~khobá-khʉ* ax-add *yabá* q:what/how *hí-ri* cop-nmlz *hi-~bare-ro* cop-ipfv.epis-sg '[But those guys then had axes too — what were they?]' '[Mas naquela época eles também tinham machado — como é que era?]'

(217) *bookhoma! ʉ̃hʉ, ti khoma sioripha tinapʉre?*

*bóó-~khómá* stone-axe *ʉ̃hʉ* intj:yes *tí* anph *~khóbá* ax *sió-ri-pha* sharp-nmlz-spec *tí-~da-pʉ-re* anph-pl-loc-obj '[*Bookhoma*! Yes … do you suppose to them that (kind of) axe<sup>66</sup> was sharp?]'

<sup>66</sup>Teresinha is referring to axes with stone heads, still used in the region in the early twentieth century (Koch-Grünberg 1995 [1909]: 171-172).

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

'[*Bookhoma*! Sim … será que para eles aquele (tipo de) machado era afiado?]'

(218) *mari (hi')na khoma hieramarero, tãphĩ, tã hia nimarero.*

*~barí* 1pl.incl *~(hi')da* emph *~khobá* ax *hi-éra-~bare-ro* cop-neg-rem.ipfv-sg *~tá-~phi* rock-clf.bladelike *~tá* rock *hí-a* cop-assert.pfv *~dí-~bare-ro* cop-rem.ipfv-sg

'[(For) us (that old kind) aren't axes, (just) rocks, they were rocks.]'

'[(Para) nós mesmo (aquele tipo) não seria machado, (só) pedra, era pedra.]'

(219) *ʉ̃hʉ.*

*ʉ̃hʉ* intj:yes (Joselito) '[Yes.]' (Joselito) '[Sim.]'

(220) *dʉhtetaroka, dohkapayoa te to ka'apʉ khakhasario ti ninopʉ.*

*dʉté-tá-dóká* chop-separate-dist *doká-payo-a* throw-put.on.top-assert.pfv *té* until *to* rem *ka'á-pʉ́* beside-loc *khá-khásá-ríó* hawk-platform-clf:flat *ti=~dí-ro-pʉ* 3pl.poss=say-sg-loc

'(They) chopped off (his leg and) threw it all the way up near that (thing) they call the hawk's nest platform.'

'Cortaram fora (a perna) e jogaram lá em cima perto (daquilo) que chamavam de ninho de gavião.'

(221) *dohkapayoroka, "maa! bi'oha hi'na ʉʉʉʉʉʉʉ … wiiiii!"*

*doká-payo-doka*<sup>67</sup> throw-put.on.top-dist *~báa* intj:done/ready! *bi'ó-há* successful-vis.ipfv.1 *~hí'da* emph *"ʉʉʉʉʉʉʉ…wiiiii!"* ontp:cries…whistles

'Throwing his leg way up there (they cried) "There! We've done it! *ʉʉʉʉʉ … wiiiiii*"' (cries and whistles)

<sup>67</sup>Note the two instances of the root *doka* 'throw', the first meaning literally 'to throw', and the second indicating "distal" motion.

'Jogando lá em cima (gritaram) "Acabou! Conseguimos mesmo! *ʉʉʉʉʉ … wiiiiii*"' (gritos e assobios)


*~sabú* embark.in.canoe *té* until *yohá-a* go.upriver-assert.pfv *té* until *~ó-pʉ́* deic.prox-loc *~bahá-~sʉ ~sʉ́-a*

go.uphill-arrive.trns arrive.trns-assert.pfv

'(They) got into their canoes (and) came upriver here, went up (the hill and) arrived home.'

'Embarcaram nas canoas (e) subiram para cá, subiram até em cima (e) chegaram em casa.'

(225) *"ne, yʉ pho'na bi'ori."*

*~dé yʉ=~pho'dá bi'ó-ri*

so 1sg.poss=children be.successful-q.pfv

'(Their father *Dianumia Yairo* asked): "Were you successful, sons?"'

'(O pai deles *Dianumia Yairo* perguntou): "Conseguiram, meus filhos?"'

(226) *"bi'oi yʉ phʉkʉ," nia.*

*bi'ó-i* successful-vis.pfv.1 *yʉ=phʉkʉ́* 1sg.poss=father *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '"We were, father," (*Diani*) responded.' '"Conseguimos, pai," falou (*Diani*).'

(227) *"bi'oi, to yabu'iri sã koirore to ñano yoari bu'iri," nia.*

*bi'ó-i* successful-vis.pfv.1 *to=yá=bu'i-ri* 3sg.poss=poss=cause-nmlz *~sa=ko-iro-re* 1pl.excl.poss=relative-nmlz.sg-obj *to=~yá-ró* 3sg.poss=bad-sg *yoá-rí* do-nmlz *bu'í-ri* cause-nmlz *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '"We did it, (killed) the one responsible for the evil he did to our relative," (*Diani*) said.'

'"Conseguimos (matar) o culpado, aquele que fez tanto mal ao nosso parente," disse (*Diani*).'

(228) *"tina ti ñano sã koirore yoare."*

*tí-~da* anph-pl *ti=~yá-ró* anph=bad-sg *~sa=kó-iro-re* 1pl.excl.poss=relative-nmlz.sg-obj *yoá-re* do-vis.pfv.2/3 '"Those evil ones who did that to our brother."' '"Aqueles malvados que fizeram mal ao nosso irmão."'

(229) *"tiro yoerarirota noano yʉ'dʉbohkari," nia.*

*tí-ró* anph-sg *yoa-éra-ri-ro-ta* do-neg-nmlz-sg-emph *~dóá-ró* good-sg *yʉ'dʉ́-boka-ri* intens-find-nmlz *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '"He couldn't expect anything good to happen," (*Diani*) said.'

'"Ele não podia esperar coisa boa," disse (*Diani*).'

(230) *"noana, yʉ pho'na mʉhsa yʉ'ʉ́ ba'arore, mʉhsa ne thʉ'oduerara," nia. ~dóádá* very.well *yʉ=~pho'dá* 1sg.poss=children *~bʉsá* 2pl *yʉ'ʉ́* 1sg *ba'á-ró-ré* after-sg-obj *~bʉsá* 2pl *~dé* neg *thʉ'o-dua-éra-ra* hear-des-neg-vis.ipfv.2/3 *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '"Very well, you, my children who come after me (of the next generation) just won't listen/obey," (*Dianumia Yairo*) said.' '"Bem, vocês, meus filhos que vem depois de mim (da outra geração) não querem mais ouvir/obedecer," disse (*Dianumia Yairo*).'

(231) *"õse yoanakã nichʉ, mʉhsa thʉ'otina hierara," nia.*

*~óse* like.this *yoá-~da-~ka* do-pl-dim *~dí-chʉ́* say-sw.ref *~bʉsá* 2pl *thʉ'ó-ti-~da* hear-attrib-pl *hi-éra-ra* cop-neg-vis.ipfv.2/3 *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv

'"Just like now, you ignore (me, you aren't ones who listen)," said (*Dianumia Yairo*).'

'"Como agora, vocês ignoram (não são gente que escuta)," disse (*Dianumia Yairo*).'

(232) *"noanokã" ni, to suabu'sa to doharire tinare phãawe. ~dóá-ró-~ká* good-sg-dim *~dí* say *to=súá-bú'sá* 3sg.poss=angry-adornment *to=dohá-ri-re tí-~da-re*

3sg.poss=neg.curse-nmlz-obj anph-pl-obj

*~phaá-wé*

remove.curse/blessing-mov.through

'"So be it," he said (and) took back his war adornments (and) his blessing for courage.'

'"Bem," disse (e) tirou deles os adornos de bravura e benzimento de coragem.'

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral


'"So, the day after tomorrow, send your wives to get manioc," he ordered.'

'"Então, depois de amanhã, mande as suas esposas tirarem maniva," ele disse.'

(235) *tina bahsabahtoa taro tina khʉna, da're.*

*tí-~da* anph-pl *basá-bátóá-ró* sing/dance-last-sg *tá-ro* come-sg *tí-~da* anph-pl *khʉ́-~da* manioc.root-get *da'ré* prepare 'For the last ceremony (celebrating their victory in war), they got manioc (and) prepared (caxiri).'<sup>70</sup>

'Para a última cerimonia (festejando a vitória na guerra), eles foram pegar maniva e prepararam (caxiri).'

<sup>68</sup>The construction *thʉ'ómahsieraphaati* indicates a 'state of violence'.

<sup>69</sup>Here we see an example of an unmarked object, *khʉ* 'maniva/manioc root', that is nonreferential and therefore does not require use of the objective case marker *-re*. In the following sentence, the same unmarked object is phonologically incorporated with the verb *na* 'get/pick'. A rare example of an unmarked pronominal object occurs in line 144, where the pronoun *sã* '1pl.excl' is nonreferential and thus is also unmarked by *-re*.

<sup>70</sup>"Caxiri" (also referred to as "chicha" in some of the chapters in this volume) is a type of drink, usually made from toasted manioc flatbread diluted in water and left to ferment for a couple of days.

6 Kotiria

(236) *pharinʉmʉ tina bagapo durukua, nahubahsapore. pha-rí-~dʉbʉ* time-nmlz-day *tí-~da* anph-pl *bagápó* cerimonial.dance/chant *dú-rúkú-á* speak-stand-assert.pfv *~dahú-básápó-ré* flatbread-dance-obj '[On those celebration days, they chanted ceremonial dances (like) the flatbread dance.]'

'[Nesses dias de festa, eles cantavam as danças (como) a dança do beijú.]'

(237) *ti hika bahsabʉhkʉ nahubahsa, sa'waroa, [yaba] miniawahkʉ, wamo thi'biri.*

*tí* anph *hí-ka* cop-assert.ipfv *basá-bʉ́kʉ́* sing/dance-ancestor *~dahú-básá* flatbread-sing/dance *sa'wáró-á* brown.lizard-pl *yabá* q:what/how *~bidíawakʉ* fruit.dance *~wabó-thí'bi-ri* arm/hand-intertwine-nmlz

'[These are traditional (origin) dances: flatbread dance, lizard dance what else? — fruit dance, peace (holding hands) dance.]'

'[As danças originais são a dança do beijú, dança do calango marrom que mais? — dança dos frutos, dança da paz (mãos dadas).]'

(238) *tina bahsañopha'ño phʉanʉmʉtha, hi('na):*

*tí-~da* anph-pl *basá-~yo-~pha'yo* sing/dance-show-complete *phʉá-~dʉbʉ-ta* two-day-emph *~hí('da)* emph

'They performed all the dances for two days (and then *Dianumia Yairo* said):'

'Eles apresentaram todas as danças durante dois dias (e então *Dianumia Yairo* disse):'

(239) *"yʉ'ʉ wa'awa'aika hi'na" nia, mipʉ to duhitore.*

*yʉ'ʉ́* 1sg *wa'á-wa'a-i-ka* go-go-m-predict *~hí'da* emph *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv *~bí-pʉ́* now-loc *to=duhí*71*-a-to-re* 3sg.poss=sit-pl-nmlz.loc/evnt-obj '"I'm going away now." [To the place he still is sitting.]'

<sup>&#</sup>x27;"Agora eu vou indo." [Ao lugar onde ele ainda está sentado.]'

<sup>71</sup>The verb *duhi* 'sit' is used in the sense of 'being'. This root is analyzed as a possible lexical origin of the Kotiria copula verb *hi* in Stenzel (forthcoming).

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

(240) *"wa'aika yʉ'ʉ, yʉ pho'na, mʉhsare ne khũsi" nia.*

*wa'á-i-ka* go-m-predict *yʉ'ʉ́* 1sg *yʉ=~pho'dá* 1sg.poss=children *~bʉsá-ré* 2pl-obj *~dé* neg *~khú-sí* leave/place-neg.irr *~dí-a*

say-assert.pfv

'"I'm going (and) I'm not leaving you anything, my children," *Dianumia Yairo*) said.'

'"Vou mesmo (e) não vou deixar nada para vocês, meus filhos," disse (*Dianumia Yairo*).'

(241) *"ne a'ri wĩho yaichʉawĩho, warimahsawĩho, khʉ'mawĩho, hʉka phiri ne mʉhsare khũsi" nia.*

*~dé* neg *a'rí* dem.prox *~wihó*<sup>72</sup> halluc.powder *yaí-chʉ́-á-~wíhó* jaguar-eat-pl-halluc.powder *wári-~basa-~wiho* kidnap-people-halluc.powder *~khʉ'bá-~wiho* summer-halluc.powder *hʉ́ká* hungry *phí-ri* big-nmlz *~dé* neg *~bʉsá-ré* 2pl-obj *~khú-sí* leave/place-neg.irr *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv

'"Not my hallucinogenic powder, nor the one that can transform you into jaguars to eat people, nor the one to kidnap people (to become invisible), nor the one that brings on summer, nor will I leave the one that causes hunger," (*Dianumia Yairo*) said.'

'"Nem meu paricá, meu paricá de virar onça e comer gente, paricá de roubar gente (de ficar invisível), paricá de verão, nem vou deixar o de causar fome," dizia (*Dianumia Yairo*).'

(242) *"hiphiti a'ri phinitare naita yʉ'ʉ" nia.*

*híphiti* everything *a'rí* dem.prox *~phídi-ta-re* right.here-emph-obj *~dá-i-ta* get-m-intent *yʉ'ʉ́* 1sg *~dí-a*

say-assert.pfv

'"All of these things here I'm taking away," (*Dianumia Yairo*) said.'

'"Vou levar todas essas coisas aqui," disse (*Dianumia Yairo*).'

<sup>72</sup>Note the various tones on the nominal root *wiho* 'hallucinogenic powder'. As an independent root, it has a LH melody, but when incorporated into compound words, it receives the final tone of the root to its left through processes of tonal spread.


'[When we get angry, we sniff powder to turn into a jaguar and devour (fight with, or kill) the one who has offended us.]'

'[Quando ficamos com raiva, cheiramos paricá para nós nos transformar em onça e devorar (brigar, ser capaz de matar) aquele que nos ofendeu.]'

(246) *ã hia hima mari wĩho, kotiria wĩho.*

*~a=hí-a* so=cop-assert.pfv *hí-~ba* cop-rem.ipfv *~bari=~wiho* 1pl.incl.poss=halluc.powder *kótiria* Kotiria *~wihó* halluc.powder '[That's how our powder used to be, Kotiria powder.]' '[Assim era o nosso paricá, dos Kotiria.]'

(247) *yo'omeheta wĩhi wahpʉatia hieraa a'ri. yo'ó-~beheta* in.contrast-neg.intens *~wihí* sniff *wapʉ́-ati-a* do.for.long.time-ipfv-pl

*hi-éra-a* cop-neg-assert.pfv *a'rí* dem.prox '[But people weren't supposed to keep sniffing it all the time.]' '[Mas não era para ficar cheirando muito isso.]'

(248) *a'ri do'beba'roñoa.*

*a'rí* dem.prox *do'bé-ba'ro-~yo-a* paint.with.finger-clf:kind-show-assert.pfv '[It was just the kind for face-painting (which already has an effect).]' '[Era só para usar pintando (que já fazia efeito).]'

(249) *tiro pharipʉta, tipʉre khʉaa.*

*tí-ró* anph-sg *pharí-pʉ-ta* form-clf:basket-emph *tí-pʉ-re* anph-clf:basket-obj *khʉá-a* have-assert.pfv 'The whole basket (with all the materials), (he) had that basket.' 'O aturá inteiro (com todo o material), (ele) tinha aquele cesto.'

(250) *to yaichʉre thuaka'a, to bahtichʉre sĩosuahã.*

*to=yaíchʉ-re* 3sg.poss=shaman.staff-obj *thuá-ka'a-a* lean.on-do.moving-assert.pfv *to=batíchʉ-re* 3sg.poss=shield-obj *~siósua-~ha* place.around.arm-compl '(He) took up his staff (and) put his shield on his arm.' 'Segurou no bastão (e) enfiou o escudo no braço.'

(251) *to diero mʉta, toi hia to diero. to=dié-ró* 3sg.poss=dog-sg *~bʉ́tá* advance *tó-i* rem-loc.vis *hí-a* cop-assert.pfv *to=dié-ró* 3sg.poss=dog-sg 'His dog went up ahead, up there.' 'O cachorrro ia lá, na frente.'

(252) *tina hia yaiya wʉ'ʉ.*

*tí-~da* anph-pl *hí-a* cop-assert.pfv *yaí-yá* jaguar-pl *wʉ'ʉ́* casa '[They were the house jaguars (guards).]' '[Eles eram as onças da casa (guardiões).]'

6 Kotiria

(253) *tina hira mipʉre tore khuaina, sã hiromahanone.*

*tí-~da* anph-pl *hí-ra* cop-vis.ipfv.2/3 *~bí-pʉ́-ré* now-loc-obj *tó-re* rem-obj *khuá-~ida* dangerous-nmlz.pl *~sa=hí-ro-~baha-ro-re*

1pl.excl.poss=cop-sg-go.uphill-sg-obj

'[They're the ones (jaguars) that nowadays are a danger to us, there where we live (in Matapi).]'

'[São esses (as onças) que hoje são perigosos, perto de onde nós moramos (em Matapi).]'

(254) *wa'ato pʉʉʉʉ, to namonokoro nʉnʉti.*

*wa'á-to* go-nmlz.loc/evnt *pʉ́* dist *to=~dabó-ro-koro* 3sg.poss=wife-sg-f.rsp *~dʉdʉ́-atí* follow-ipfv

'He went way off (to the place he had selected), and his wife was following behind.'

'Foi longe (até o lugar escolhido por ele), e a mulher foi indo atrás dele.'

(255) *sã hiromahanota himanaro to dʉruwero.*

*~sa=hí-ro-~baha-ro-ta* 1pl.excl.poss=cop-sg-go.uphill-sg-emph *hí-~ba-~da-ro* cop-rem.ipfv-pl-sg *tó* def *dʉrú-we-ro*

thunder-mov.through-sg

'It was our place up there where it thunders, the sacred place (called) *Dʉrʉwero*.'<sup>73</sup>

'É nosso lugar bem lá em cima, lugar sagrado (chamado de) *Dʉrʉwero*.'

(256) *toi tikorokoro tʉ̃kuñʉa õse thʉ! thʉ! thʉ!*

*tó-i* rem-loc.vis *tí-kó-ró-kóró* anph-f-sg-f.rsp *~tʉ́ku-~yʉ-a* stomp-try-assert.pfv *~óse* like.this *thʉ!…thʉ!…thʉ!* ontp:thundering 'There she stomped on the ground like this: *Thʉ! Thʉ! Thʉ!*' (making a thundering sound) 'Alí ela bateu com o pé assim: *Thʉ! Thʉ! Thʉ!*' (fazendo ruido de trovão)

<sup>73</sup>The placename *Dʉrʉwero* means 'where you can feel the thunder'.

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

(257) *"yaba hihari" ni … mahareñʉ thuatera.*

*yabá* q:what/how *hí-hari* cop-q.ipfv *~dí* say *~baháré*74*-~yʉ* turn.around-see/look *thuá-te-ra*

return-neg-vis.ipfv.2/3

'"What's that?" she wondered (but *Dianumia Yairo*) didn't even turn around.'

"O que é isso?" ficou pensando (mas *Dianumia Yairo*) nem olhou para trás.'

(258) *do'se chõa mari buhtito warore yoarota niri hireto tiro bʉhkʉro … ne mahare ñʉeraa, wa'awa'aa.*

*do'sé* q:how *~chóa* nephew *~bari=butí-to* 1pl.incl.poss=disappear-nmlz.loc/evnt *waro-re* emph-obj *yoá-ro-ta* far-sg-emph *~dí-ri* cop-nmlz *hí-re-to* cop-clf:gen-nmlz.loc/evnt *tí-ró* anph-sg *bʉkʉ́-ro* ancestor-sg *~dé* neg *~baháré* turn.around *~yʉ-éra-a* look-neg-assert.pfv *wa'á-wa'a-a* go-go-assert.pfv (addressing Joselito) '[Because, nephew, (for him) it was just as it will be for us in the future (our disappearance, death, burial) — the old ancestor … didn't even look back, off he went.]'

(falando com Joselito) '[Porque, sobrinho, (para ele) era como vai ser para nós no futuro (nosso sumiço, morte, enterro) — o velho … nem olhou para trás, foi embora.]'

(259) *te mipʉ to khã're khu'tu to nino nuhusʉ̃a.*

*té* until *~bí-pʉ́* now-loc *to* def *~kha'ŕe* abiú/cucura.fruit *khu'tú* cemetery *to=~dí-ro* 3sg.poss=say-sg *~duhú-~sʉ-a* accomodate.oneself-arrive.trns-assert.pfv

'Until he (got to the place) now called *Khãre Khu'tu* (and) made himself comfortable.'

'Até chegar (no lugar) que hoje chamam de *Khãre Khu'tu* (e) se acomodou.'

<sup>74</sup>The form *maháré* is used for the actions of 'turning around' or 'going back and forth/going and returning', as in line 288.

(260) *to phosapho'nakã phʉarokã hia. to=phosá-~pho'da-~ka* 3sg.poss=maku.people-children-dim *phʉá-ro-~ka* two-sg-dim *hí-a* cop-assert.pfv 'He had his two servants.' 'Havia os seus dois criados.'


'Aqui (na frente ficou) um cachorro/onça e atrás seu (outro) cachorro/onça (e ele sentou) olhando para frente bem longe.'

(263) *duhia phʉanʉmʉ, tia nʉmʉ, õpʉ hitu'sʉa.*

*duhí-a* sit-assert.pfv *phʉá-~dʉbʉ* two-day *tíá-~dʉbʉ* three-day *~ó-pʉ* deic.prox-loc *hí-thu'sʉ-a*

cop-finish-assert.pfv

'(He) sat for two days (and) on the third day, it was already up to here (his body entering into the ground).'

'Sentou dois dias e no terceiro dia já estava até aqui (o corpo entrando dentro da terra).'

(264) *"quatro, cinco, kʉ̃somana ba'aro taga," nia.*

*quatro* four *cinco* five *~kʉ́-sómáná=ba'a-ro* one/a-semana=after-sg *tá-gá* come-imp *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '"Come back in four, five (days), a week," (*Dianumia Yairo*) said.'

'"Daqui a quatro, cinco (dias), uma semana, venham," (*Dianumia Yairo*) disse.'

(265) *"yʉ'ʉ, mʉhsa phʉkʉ, yʉ ñʉto bahsioro, ñamidahchomahka waroi sãika." yʉ'ʉ́* 1sg *~bʉsa=phʉkʉ́* 2pl.poss=father *yʉ=~yʉ́-tó* 1sg.poss=try-nmlz.loc/evnt *bahsí-o-ro* true-caus-sg *~yabí-dáchó~báká* night-middle/center *wáró-í* emph-loc.vis *~sá-i-ka* inside-m-predict '"I, your father, will truly be going (to another world), right in the middle of the night."' '"Eu, o pai de vocês, estarei indo de verdade (ao outro mundo), bem no

meio da noite."'

(266) *"yʉ'ʉre bihsiroka, yʉ'ʉre thʉ'onaka mʉhsa yʉ pho'na" nia.*

*yʉ'ʉ́-re* 1sg-obj *bisí-doka* sound-dist *yʉ'ʉ́-ré* 1sg-obj *thʉ'ó-~da-ka* hear-pl-predict *~bʉsá* 2pl *yʉ=~pho'dá* 1sg.poss=children *~dí-a*

say-assert.pfv

'"I'll be going in (to the ground and) there will be a thunderous sound for me (and) you, my children will hear," (*Dianumia Yairo*) said.'

'"Entrarei (na terra e) fará trovão bem forte para mim (e) todos vocês, meus filhos, vão ouvir," disse (*Dianumia Yairo*).'

(267) *"hai" nia, dee … topuro to niriba'ro bihsia thʉʉʉʉʉ …*

*hái* intj:agree *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv *dé* intj:poor.one! *tó-puro* def-qant.ms *to=~dí-rí-ba'ro* 3sg.poss=say-nmlz-clf:kind *bisí-a* sound-go *tʉʉʉʉʉ* ontp:thunder

'"All right," (they) answered (and) poor guy … just at the time he indicated, there was a sound: *Thʉʉʉʉʉ* …' (thunder)

'"Está bom," responderam (e) coitado… bem na hora que ele indicou, deu ruído: *Thʉʉʉʉʉ* …' (trovoada)

(268) *"de mari phʉkʉ wa'awa'aka" nia.*

*dé* intj:poor.one! *~bari=phʉkʉ́* 1pl.incl.poss=father *wa'á-wa'a-ka* go-go-assert.ipfv *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '"Poor guy! Our father's gone," (they) said.'

'"Coitado! Nosso pai foi embora," falaram.'

6 Kotiria

(269) *"ñʉna wa'ahʉ̃ta" nia. ne mania. ~yʉ́-~dá* see/look-pl *wa'á-~hʉ-ta* go-imp.deic-emph *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv *~dé* neg *~badía* not.exist '"Go there and see," (they) said. (But) there was nothing there.' '"Vão lá ver," disseram. (Mas) lá não havia nada.'

(270) *ãta buhti sãwa'aa.*

*~áta* because *butí* disappear *~sa'á-wa'a-a* mov.inside-go-assert.pfv 'Because (*Dianumia Yairo*) had disappeared into (the ground, alive).' 'Porque (*Dianumia Yairo*) havia sumiu entrando (na terra, vivo).'

(271) *ã yoaroto, numia bu'iri, bu'iri nia tore, bu'ikho'to hiphakato.*

*~a=yóá-ró-tó* so=do-sg-nmlz.loc/evnt *~dubía* women *bu'í-ri* cause-nmlz *bu'í-ri* cause-nmlz *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv *tó-ré* def-obj *bu'í-kho'to* cause-proper.place *hí-phaka-to* cop-spec-nmlz.loc/evnt 'That's why, because of women, (that cemetery) is called *Bu'i Kho'to* (place of guilt/problem), it seems so.'

'Por isso, por causa de mulher, que (o cemetério) lá é chamado de *Bu'i Kho'to* (lugar de culpa/problema), parece que é.'

(272) *numia bu'iri õse yoa, sua to sãnuhʉriro ti khu'tu, mahsa yarikhu'tu.*

*~dubía* women *bu'í-ri* cause-nmlz *~óse* like.this *yoá* do *súá* angry *to=~sa'á-~duhʉ-ri-ro* 3sg.poss=mov.inside-remain-nmlz-sg *tí-khu'tu*<sup>75</sup> anph-cemetery *~basá* people *yá-ri-khu'tu* poss-nmlz-cemetery

'It was because of women that he angrily went into that ground, the cemetery for our own bodies.'

<sup>75</sup>From this point on in the narrative, Teresinha switches to the form *khu'tu*, which literally means 'clearing', to refer to actual cemeteries. This term is phonologically similar to *kho'to*, 'proper place' (see lines 16, 22, and 24), which is also used in the narrative in the names of specific cemeteries (e.g. line 271) and to refer to these as the 'proper places' for burial, as in the title (line 4). It is likely the terms are etymologically related.

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

'Foi por causa das mulheres que ele foi com raiva dentro da terra, no cemetério para nossos corpos.'

(273) *bu'ikho'to hia. to se'reta sãse' bohkaerati, "do'se yoa bu'ikho'to niari" ni wãhkui.*

*bu'í-kho'to* cause-proper.place *hí-a* cop-assert.pfv *tó=se'e-re-ta* def=contr-obj-emph *~sá-se'e* 1pl.excl-contr *boka-éra-ti* find-neg-attrib *do'sé* q:how *yoá* do *bu'í-kho'to* cause-proper.place *~dí-á-rí* say-pl-nmlz *~dí* say *~wakú-i* wonder-vis.pfv.1 (Joselito speaking) '[(Yes) it's *Bu'i Kho'to*. So that's it … we didn't know why (people) called it that …' (Joselito falando) '[(Sim) é *Bu'i Kho'to*. Então, é por isso … não sabíamos

por que (as pessoas) chamavam assim …'

(274) *ãni ya'uatire maikiro.*

*~a=~dí* so-say *ya'ú-átí-ré* tell-ipfv-vis.pfv.2/3 *~baí-kíró* father-m.rsp (Teresinha responding) '[That's the way my father used to tell it.]' (Teresinha respondendo) ' [Assim contava meu pai.]'

(275) *yʉ'ʉ ninose'ta mʉno hiko, noano sinitu thʉ'otuboa.*

*yʉ'ʉ́* 1sg *~dí-ro-se'e-ta* say-sg-contr-emph *~bʉ́-ro* man-sg *hí-ko* cop-f *~dóá-ró* good-sg *sinítu* ask *thʉ'ó-tu-bo-a* hear-think-dub-assert.pfv '[Like I said, if I were a man, I would have asked (and) understood more.76]'

'[Como disse, se fosse homem, teria perguntado (e) entendido mais.]'

(276) *õse ni to ya'uakãre thʉ'oatikʉrʉ, mahsihari?*

*~óse* like.this *~dí* say *to=ya'ú-a-~ka-re* 3sg.poss=tell-pl-dim-obj *thʉ'ó-ati-kʉrʉ* hear-ipfv-advers *~basí-hárí* know-q.ipfv '[(But) I unfortunately wasn't paying enough attention to what little he said, you know?']

<sup>76</sup>The composition of the conditional sentence is worth noting: the protasis is a nominalization with person marking *-ko* 'feminine', and the apodosis contains the dubitative marker *-bo*, showing that the result was not forthcoming.

'[(Mas) eu infelizamente não prestava atenção ao pouco que ele contava, sabe?]'

(277) *õse hiatia mahko," niatire.*

*~óse* like.this *hí-ati-a* cop-ipfv-assert.pfv *~bakó* daughter *~dí-ati-re* say-ipfv-vis.pfv.2/3 '"That's what happened, daughter," (father) used to say.' '"Era assim, filha" contava (meu pai).'

(278) *"ãhia mahsapekururi yaaka" nia.*

*~a=hí-a* so=cop-pl *~basá-pé-kúrú-rí* people-qant.c-group-nmlz *yá-a-ka* bury-pl-predict *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv '"So that all the (Kotiria) groups would have (a place) to be buried."' '"Para que todos os grupos kotiria tivessem (o seu lugar) de ser

enterrado."'

(279) *"a'ría nari siria, nari ya'saria, nari ñiria, nari ye'seria khõaroka" nia.*

*a'rí-á* dem.prox-pl *~dá-rí* small.stone-pl *sí-ria* shiny-clf:round *~dá-rí* small.stone-pl *ya'sá-ria* green/blue-clf:round *~dá-rí* small.stone-pl *~yí-ria* black-clf:round *~dá-rí* small.stone-pl *ye'sé-ria* white-clf:round *~khoá-ro-ka* lie-sg-predict *~dí-a* say-assert.pfv

'"There will be the place of Shiny Stones, the place of Green Stones, the place of Black Stones (and) the place of White Stones," (father) said.'

'"O lugar de Pedra Luminosa, lugar de Pedra Verde, lugar de Pedra Preta (e) lugar de Pedra Branca, esses vão ficar," dizia (papai).'

(280) *mari mipʉ hi ti kururire, õse nahu tha'rose.*

*~barí* 1pl.incl *~bí-pʉ́* now-loc *hí* cop *ti=kurú-ri-re* anph=group-nmlz-obj *~óse* like.this *~dahú* flatbread *tha'ró-sé*

cut.in.quarters-clf:similar

'(And) now we're divided into groups, like a flatbread cut into fourths.'

'(E) nós agora ficamos dividos em grupos, como beijú cortado em quatro.'

(281) *ã hiro õba'roi wa'masʉrore nari phichasiria khõaa, sã yakhu'tu. ~a=hí-ro* so=cop-sg *~ó=ba'ro-i* deic.prox=clf:kind-loc.vis *~wa'básʉ-ro-re* entrance-sg-obj *~dá-rí* small.stone-pl *phichá-sí-ríá* fire-shiny-clf:round *~khoá* lie *~sa=yá-khu'tu* 1pl.excl.poss=poss-cemetery 'So, the entrance (first part) is for Shiny Stone burials, our grounds (for the highest clan).'

'Então na primeira parte (na entrada), é lugar para Pedra Luminosa se enterrar, nosso lugar (do clã maior).'

(282) *ã hiro mahsawa'mino yariato, phano ñamidahchomahka bihsipakato nariwʉ'ʉ.*

*~a=hí-ro* so=cop-sg *~basá-~wa'bi-ro* people-older.brother-sg *yaríá-tó* die-nmlz.loc/evnt *~phádó* before *~yabí-dáchó~báká* night-middle/center *bisí-pá-ká-tó* sound-alt-do.moving-nmlz.loc/evnt *~dá-ri-wʉ'ʉ* get-nmlz-house

'That's why, before an older brother dies, in the middle of the night, a loud noise comes from the house/cemetery (where the person will be) taken.'

'Por isso, antes de morrer um irmão maior, no meio da noite soa da casa/cemetério (para onde a pessoa vai ser) levada.'

(283) *thʉʉʉʉʉʉ! patere khaaaa! bihsimarero.*

*tʉʉʉʉʉʉ* ontp:thunder *pá-tere* alt-time *khaaaa* ontp:thunder *bisí-~bare-ro* sound-rem.ipfv-sg '*Thʉʉʉʉ!* (or) sometimes *Khaaaa!* is always the sound.' '*Thʉʉʉʉ!* (ou) às vezes *Khaaaa!* sempre soa assim.'

(284) *a'riase khʉre ãta mʉhsa yakhu'tu a'riase nari ye'seria, ñahori yaro ya'saria.*

*a'rí-a-se* dem.prox-pl-clf:similar *khʉ́-ré* add-obj *~átá* also *~bʉsá* 2pl *yá-khu'tu* poss-cemetery *a'rí-a-se* dem.prox-pl-clf:similar *~dá-rí* get-nmlz *ye'sé-ria* white-clf:round *ñáhórí* ñahori *yá-ró* poss-sg *ya'sá-ria*

green/blue-clf:round

'It's the same in other places, your place, White Stones (for the *Diani* and) for the *Ñahori*, Green Stones.'

'É assim no outro lado também, o lugar de vocês, Pedra Branca (dos *Diani* e), o lugar dos *Ñahori*, Pedra Verde.'

(285) *sõ'o ñahoripho'na yaro ñiria khõaa.*

*~so'ó* deic.dist *ñáhórí-~pho'da* ñahori-descendants *yá-ró* poss-sg *~yí-ria* black-clf:round *~khoá-a* lie-assert.pfv 'Over there in Black Stones is where *Ñahori* children lie.' 'Lá na Pedra Preta enterra-se os filhos de *Ñahori*.'

(286) *"ã hiro nahu tha'rose hira" niatire.*

*~a=hí-ró* so=cop-sg *~dahú* flatbread *tha'ró-se* cut.in.quarters-clf:similar *hí-ra* cop-vis.ipfv.2/3 *~dí-ati-re* say-ipfv-vis.pfv.2/3

'"So, it's like a flatbread divided in fourths," (my father) used to say.'

'"Assim são como beijú dividido em quatro partes," (meu pai) contava.'

(287) *mahsape, tina yabaina puertu paloma, yabaro hihari?*

*~basá-pé* people-qant.c *tí-~da* anph-pl *yabá-~ida* q:what/how-nmlz.pl *puertu* puerto *paloma,* paloma, *yabá-ro* q:what/how-sg *hí-hari* cop-q.ipfv

'Everyone, those ones from Puerto Paloma (the last Kotiria village) how's it called?'

'Todo mundo, aqueles de Puerto Paloma (última comunidade Kotiria) como se chama?'

(288) *ye'pua phitomahkainapʉ mahsa ya mahareatia, "kue," nia niha.*

*ye'pú-á* cucura.fruit-pl *phíto-~baka-~ida-pʉ* mouth.of.stream-village-nmlz.pl-loc *~basá* people *yá* bury *~baháré-átí-á* go.and.return-ipfv-assert.pfv *kué* intj:surprise *~dí-a* say-pl *~dí-ha* prog-vis.ipfv.1 '*Ye'pua Phito* (mouth of the cucura stream) villagers went back and forth to bury people, always saying "It's so far!"'

'Moradores de *Ye'pua Phito* (boca do igarapé cucura) vinham para cá e voltavam para enterrar gente, sempre dizendo "Como é longe!"'

(289) *paina ʉ̃rinapʉre namʉha, ti ma'a bʉhkʉma'a hiro nimanaro, to bu'iare ti ma'a.*

*pá-~ida* alt-nmlz.pl *~ʉrí-~da-pʉ-re* smelly-pl-loc-obj *~dá-~bʉha* carry-mov.upward *tí-~ba'a* anph-path *bʉkʉ́-~ba'a* old-path *hí-ro* cop-sg *~dí-~ba-~da-ro* cop-rem.ipfv-pl-sg *to=bu'ía-re* def=bu'ia.stream-obj *tí-~ba'a*

anph-path

'They carried other rotting bodies up that old path that's always been there, the path from the *Bu'ia* stream (leading to the cemetery).'

'Carregavam outros corpos podres no caminho antigo, que sempre esteve ali, o caminho do igarapé *Bu'ia*.'

(290) *ti ma'aita mahareatii sã.*

*tí-~ba'a-i-ta* anph-path-loc.vis-emph *~baháré-átí-í* go.and.return-ipfv-vis.pfv.1 *~sá* 1pl.excl 'It's the same path we always use to go back and forth (to our gardens).' 'Nesse mesmo caminho nós sempre vamos e voltamos (da roça).'

(291) *tina te ʉ̃rinapʉre ti khã'rekho'toi nawi'ika.*

*tí-~da* anph-pl *té* until *~ʉrí-~da-pʉ-re* smelly-pl-empath-obj *ti=~kha'ré-khu'tu-i* anph=abiú/cucura.fruit-cemetery-loc.vis *~dá-wi'i-ka* get-arrive.cis-assert.ipfv 'They brought the poor decomposing bodies (on that path) to *Khãre Kho'to*.'

'Traziam os pobres fedendos (nesse caminho) até *Khãre Kho'to*.'

(292) *tina tia, tia, tara: "sã ñʉhchʉ, mʉ'ʉ kha'mana mahsane nana sã khã'inare."*

> *tí-~da* anph-pl *tí-a* cry-go *tí-a* cry-go *tá-rá* come-vis.ipfv.2/3 *~sa=~yʉchʉ́* 1pl.excl.poss=grandfather

*~bʉ'ʉ́* 2sg *~kha'bá-rá* want-vis.ipfv.2/3 *~basá-re* people-obj *~dá-~da* get-pl *~sa=~kha'i-~ida-re* 1pl.excl.poss=love-nmlz.pl-obj

'They come weeping, weeping (saying): "You, our grandfather, want it, so we give you the body of the ones we love."'

'Vêm chorando, chorando (dizendo): "A você nosso avô, que quer, estamos entregando o corpo das pessoas que amamos."'

(293) *"mipʉre wi'boga hi'na" ni, phayʉ nikhʉ kha'machʉ tia.*

*~bí-pʉ́-ré* now-loc-obj *wi'bó-gá* take.care-imp *~hí'da* emph *~dí* say *phayʉ́* many *~dí-khʉ́* say-add *~kha'bá-chʉ* do.together-sw.ref *tí-a* cry-assert.pfv

'"Now take good care (of this body)," (they said), and said many other things, weeping together.'

'"Agora guarda bem (o corpo)," diziam, e falavam muitas outras coisas, chorando juntos.'

(294) *yo'omeheta nu'miriinadita, ti mahkari phaakãmahkanumiadita wa'aina topʉre.*

*yo'ó-~beheta* in.contrast-neg.intens *~du'bí-ri-~ida-dita* body.paint-pl-nmlz.pl-sol *tí-~baka-ri* anph-village-nmlz *phaá-~ka-~baka-~dubia-dita* clan.members-dim-village-pl.f-sol *wa'a-~ida* go-nmlz.pl *to-pʉ-re* def-loc-obj

'But (they) would only go painted, and only the women of that clan (family of that specific community) could go along.'

'Mas iam só pintados, e só podiam ir as mulheres que faziam parte daquela clã (família da comunidade).'

(295) *mahkari phaakãmahkono hieraro ti khu'tuita thuaa.*

*~baká-ri* origin-nmlz *phaá-~ka-~bako-ro* clan.members-dim-daughter-sg *hi-éra-ro* cop-neg-sg *tí-khu'tu-i-ta* anph-cemetery-loc.vis-emph *thúa-a* return-assert.pfv

'A woman who wasn't part of the clan had to return before getting to the cemetery.'

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

'A mulher que não fazia parte do clã tinha que retornar antes de chegar no cemetério.'

(296) *wi'i, thuawi'i ko toawe, ku'sʉwe, khõ'aroka, mahkachʉ …*

*wi'í* arrive.cis *thúa-wi'i* return-arrive.cis *kó* medicine *toá-we* vomit-mov.through *ku'sʉ́-we* bathe-mov.through *~kho'a-doka* throw-dist *~baká-chʉ* look.for-eat

'Arriving home, (they cleansed themselves with) vomit medicine, bathed to throw off (the effect of the burial), then had something to eat …'

'Quando chegavam (do enterro) faziam limpeza de estômago (vomitando), tomavam banho para jogar fora (o efeito do enterro), depois se alimentavam …'

(297) *"yoaro hiro nira," niatire maimʉnano ti khu'ture.*

*yoá-ró* do-sg *hí-ro* cop-sg *~dí-ra*<sup>77</sup> prog-vis.ipfv.2/3 *~dí-átí-ré* say-ipfv-vis.pfv.2/3 *~baí-~bʉda-ro* father-deceased-sg *tí-khu'tu-re* anph-cemetery-obj '"This is how it's (always) done," my late father used to tell (me) about the cemetery.'

'"Assim é que se faz (sempre)," contava meu pai finado sobre o cemetério.'

(298) *ã yoa mahariro tiro bʉhkʉro toi duhika.*

*~a=yóá* so=do *~bahá-ri-ro* go.uphill-nmlz-sg *tí-ró* anph-sg *bʉkʉ́-ro* ancestor-sg *tó-i* rem-loc.vis *duhí-ka* sit-assert.ipfv

'Because our old ancestor (*Dianumia Yairo*) who went up there is still sitting there (still exists, lives there).'

'Porque o velho nosso avô (*Dianumia Yairo*) que subiu ainda está sentado alí (ainda existe, vive alí).'

<sup>77</sup>This sentence is a good example of how the visual imperfective suffix used on the copula is understood as a statement of fact, rather than having any type of specific temporal reference (see Stenzel 2013: 281).

(299) *a'ri phakʉi hirota nira.*

*a'rí* dem.prox *phákʉ-i* body-loc.vis *hí-ro-ta* cop-sg-emph *~dí-ra* cop-vis.ipfv.2/3 'That body is there.' 'O corpo está lá.'

(300) *tiro yariariro hierare. himarero tiro, a'ri phakʉi tiro. tí-ró* anph-sg *yaríá-rí-ró* die-nmlz-sg *hi-éra-re* cop-neg-vis.pfv.2/3 *hí-~bare-ro* cop-rem.ipfv-sg *tí-ró* anph-sg *a'rí* dem.prox *phákʉ-i* body-loc.vis *tí-ró* anph-sg 'He isn't dead, he's there (alive), his body.' 'Ele não está morto, está (vivo), o corpo dele.'


'That's what my late father told (me) about this cemetery, about how things were back then.'

'Assim contava meu pai a respeito desse cemetério, assim como era antigamente.'

### K. Stenzel, Teresinha Marques, José Galvez Trindade & Miguel Wacho Cabral

Figure 4: *Bu'i Kho'to*. Illustration by Moisés Galvez Trindade and Auxiliadora Figueiredo

### **Acknowledgments**

I am deeply grateful to the Kotiria people who have welcomed me so warmly into their communities over our many years of work together.

Figure 5: Kris and Teresinha in 2017

Special thanks are due to the wise and witty Teresinha Marques for offering this epic narrative and to José Galvez Trindade for his recognition of its importance and for his dedicated work on the initial transcription. This analysis also owes a great deal to Miguel Cabral and his vast knowledge of Kotiria culture and language. Finally, my thanks to Bruna Franchetto for her careful reading and help with the Portuguese translations.

### 6 Kotiria

My research on Kotiria and other East Tukano languages has received financial support from the National Science Foundation Linguistics Program (dissertation grant 0211206), the NSF/NEH Documenting Endangered Languages Program (FA-52150-05; BCS-1664348), ELDP/SOAS (MDP-0155), the Brazilian National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq, post-doctoral grant 2005- 2007), the Brazilian Ministry of Education's Program for Continuing Academic Development (CAPES, post-doctoral 'Estágio Senior' grant, 2014-2015), and the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro. Renata Alves of the Instituto Socioambiental is gratefully acknowledged for her design of Figure 2, as is Miguel Cabral Junior for his rendition of Figure 3.

### **Non-standard abbreviations**


### **References**


### **Chapter 7**

## **Hup**

Patience Epps University of Texas Austin, USA

Isabel Salustiano

Jovino Monteiro

Pedro Pires Dias

### **1 Introduction**

This narrative tells the story of a liaison between a deer spirit and a woman, and the troubles that came of it. The tale is one of many stories told by the Hupd'äh, who live in the Vaupés region, straddling the border of Brazil and Colombia (Figure 1). Hup, the language of the Hupd'äh (lit. 'person-pl') belongs to the small Naduhup family (formerly known as Makú; see Epps & Bolaños 2017); the speakers of the four Naduhup languages inhabit the interfluvial zones south of the Vaupés River and the middle Rio Negro. The approximately 2000 Hupd'äh live in communities ranging from a few families to several hundred people, located between the Vaupés and the Tiquié Rivers.

The version of the Deer Story narrative presented here was recorded in November 2001 in the Hup community of Taracua Igarapé, known in Hup as *Tát Dëh*, or 'Ant (sp.) Creek' (Figure 2). Taracua Igarapé is located along the large creek that bears the same name, at about an hour's walk into the forest from the banks of the Tiquié River, and is home to about 150 people. While the residents of Taracua Igarapé belong to a number of clans, the community is understood to be in the principal territory of the *Sokw'ät Nok'öd Tẽhd'äh ́* , the 'Descendents of the Toucan's Beak', and is itself the most recent of a series of communities associated with the Toucan's Beak clan, which over the past six to eight generations

Patience Epps, Isabel Salustiano, Jovino Monteiro & Pedro Pires Dias. 2017. Hup. In Kristine Stenzel & Bruna Franchetto (eds.), *On this and other worlds: Voices from Amazonia*, 277–329. Berlin: Language Science Press. DOI:10.5281/zenodo.1008785

### P. Epps, Isabel Salustiano, Jovino Monteiro & Pedro Pires Dias

Figure 1: Map of the Upper Rio Negro Region (Epps & Stenzel 2013b)

Figure 2: Taracua Igarapé community

have relocated incrementally from the more remote interfluvial zones toward the Tiquié River.

The Deer Story was performed by Isabel Salustiano, a talented storyteller with a vast repertoire of traditional stories and a masterful delivery. She is originally from the nearby community of Cabari do Japu (*Pìj Dëh*), and is married to Américo Monteiro Socot, who is himself a Toucan's Beak clansman and an influential figure in the community. The story was recorded outdoors in the community, in a central area near a cluster of houses, and in the presence of several of her children and other community members. The text was subsequently transcribed and checked over by Patience Epps, Jovino Monteiro Socot, and Pedro Pires Dias (of Barreira Alta). It appears in the book of Hup stories that was produced for the Middle Tiquié River Hup communities (ed. by Epps, 2005/2016), with illustrations drawn by Estevão Socot (Jovino's son). Several of these illustrations are included here.

As the story begins, a widow, struggling to feed herself and her children, is following a forest stream, collecting tiny freshwater shrimp. This is poor fare, but the most she can manage without a husband to hunt and fish for her. As she moves upstream, she begins to find fish, freshly caught and set out on the bank (Figures 3–4). In her desperation, she takes the fish, although she knows that by doing so she is entering into a relationship with an unknown and potentially

Figure 3: Forest creek in the region of Taracua Igarapé

P. Epps, Isabel Salustiano, Jovino Monteiro & Pedro Pires Dias

Figure 4: The woman finding fish set out for her (Estevão Socot)

dangerous other. Soon after, she hears a whistle, and looks up to see a deer spirit in man's form, brilliant with red body paint, looking down at her from the bank. He tells her that he will come that evening to see her, and she agrees. The woman then returns home, feeds her children and puts them to bed, and waits for the deer spirit. He arrives, laden with game, and the two of them spend the evening eating, leaving none for the children. The deer spirit then sleeps with her, together in one hammock, and leaves just before dawn.

The deer spirit continues to visit the woman nightly, always bringing large quantities of game, which they eat together without saving any for the children. During the day, the woman prepares special *manicuera*, a drink made from boiled manioc juice mixed with tasty fruits, to offer her deer husband at night, while she gives only old sour manicuera to the children. Eventually the oldest boy, wondering why his mother always sends them to bed at night with such haste, resolves to stay up and watch. He hides in his hammock and peeks through the holes in the loosely woven palm-fiber mesh, and sees the deer spirit and his mother feasting on the game the spirit has brought (Figure 5). Furious with this revelation, the boy tells his siblings their mother's secret. Together they dig fishpoison root (*Lonchocarpus* sp.), beat it to extract the poison, and squeeze it into the special manicuera that their mother had prepared for her husband.

That night, the boy lies watching again as the deer spirit and his mother feast and go to sleep. In the morning, the mother frantically shakes her husband to

Figure 5: The boy watching his mother and the deer spirit (Estevão Socot)

waken him, but finds him dead. Sending the children out of the house to bathe, she breaks up her husband's body and squeezes it into a large burden-basket, which she carries into the sky for burial (Figure 6). The spot where she leaves him becomes a formation known as the Deer's Tomb, visible in the night sky.

Figure 6:The woman carrying the body of the deer spirit (Estevão Socot)

### P. Epps, Isabel Salustiano, Jovino Monteiro & Pedro Pires Dias

This formation is also recognized by the Tukano people, who call it by the same name in their own language, but its location has not yet been identified in the ethnoastronomical work carried out in the region (see Cardoso 2007; Oliveira 2010); it is probably one of the "constellations" that peoples of this region visualize in the dark spaces between clusters of stars, rather than in the stars themselves.

The mother returns, and before long she gives birth to the deer spirit's child. She conceals the infant from her children by hanging it up in a bag of charcoal from the rafters of the house, and only takes it down twice a day to nurse it. However, her actions do not go unnoticed by her children, who become curious about the contents of the bag, and climb up one day to have a look while their mother is out in her manioc garden. They discover the baby with delight, and take it out with them into the overgrown swidden (garden areas that have been abandoned in the cycle of slash-and-burn farming) to play with it. There they feed it manioc leaves, potato leaves – all the garden plants to which deer help themselves today – and proceed to play with it by pushing it back and forth among them. As they do so, the baby deer rapidly gains strength, and suddenly it gives a snort, leaps over the children's heads, and disappears into the forest.

The loss of the baby deer is the final step in severing the children's relationship with their mother. Fearful of her anger, they have already begun a transformation into curassow birds (*Nothocrax urumutum*, Figure 7) by the time she discovers the missing baby. Other birds have filled the children's skin with feathers and drawn circles around their eyes, and the children have dug holes in the ground

Figure 7: Nocturnal Curassow *Nothocrax urumutum* (Photo: Jelle Oostrom) http://www.flickr.com/photos/jelle82/4823615464/;CC-BY-SA 2.0 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/bysa/2.0 )

like those of curassows. When their mother rushes into the house to beat them, the children scatter, flying off to hide in their holes. The mother tries in vain to catch one little girl by putting a basket over her hole, but the bird-child only tunnels away, comes up in another place, and flies off. The poor mother wanders crying after her children, and thus transforms herself into a *bëbë* bird – a small brown bird, probably a type of antthrush (family *Formicariidae*), that walks on the forest floor and whose call is reminiscent of crying.

A major theme of the Deer Story is one of transformation, carried out in the context of liminality of behavior and existence. Through their actions, the figures in the story occupy the zones between the human, animal, and spirit "worlds", and their engagement with the occupants of these other worlds ultimately propels them wholly into their domains. This theme is a familiar one in verbal art and cultural practice throughout the Amazon basin: humans, animals, and spirits are understood to share a similar conception of their worlds, but with a fundamental disconnect such that, for example, what a vulture sees as grilled fish appears to a person as maggots in rotting meat (Viveiros de Castro 1998, *inter alia*). One must maintain one's own position as the inhabitant of a particular subjective world by means of appropriate actions – in particular, appropriate social actions – while direct engagement with entities outside this domain is inherently perilous (see, e.g. Santos-Granero 2006; Londoño Sulkin 2005; Uzendoski 2005; Vilaça 2000). It is through this engagement that one may lose one's own subjectivity and enter that of one's interlocutor. Thus the widow, by accepting the fish presented by the deer spirit, opens herself to his "world", and in so doing takes a step out of her own. Her deepening relationship with the spirit and ongoing mistreatment of her own children represent this liminal space that she has entered. Similarly, the children's withdrawal from their mother ultimately propels them into the domain of the curassows. Finally, the mother's own liminality leads her to abandon her human speech and resort only to crying, such that she transforms into the ever-crying *bëbë* bird.

The Deer Story is also representative of the multilingual Vaupés region. The Hupd'äh, like the other peoples of the area, are participants in the regional melting pot of culture, discourse, and language, which has led to striking parallels in verbal art and other practices across many of the Upper Rio Negro peoples (see e.g. Epps & Stenzel 2013a). The Deer Story, like many others, is told widely in the region, and (as noted above) the Deer's Tomb constellation is recognized among other groups as well. Like many other peoples in the region, the Hupd'äh are multilingual, but avoid overt mixing of languages; code-switching is therefore tightly constrained, but is acceptable and even preferred for certain functions –

### 7 Hup

in particular, marking the speech of entities who are treated as social "others" in narrative. Isabel's telling of the Deer Story makes expert use of this device: when the deer spirit first comes to the woman, he inquires about the children in Tukano, the principal second language of the middle Tiquié River Hupd'äh. Here Isabel departs from her narrative momentarily to comment (perhaps for the benefit of the recording?) that the spirit apparently spoke in "River-Indian language" (Tukano). Later on, when the spirit makes the same inquiry, Isabel comments that he still is speaking in Tukano, but provides his quoted speech in Hup. Finally, at the end of the story, Isabel quotes the woman's crying "my children! my children" – but notably this quote is given in a *mix* of Hup and Tukano (*nɨ põ'ra!* 'my[Hup] children[Tukano]'). Her representation of this mixed-language cry appears to index its semi-human, transformative quality, i.e. a metaphorical use of code-switching. Moreover, the compound (serial) verb construction – which presents components of an event as a conceptually linked package – that Isabel uses to describe the event itself highlights that the transformation comes about *through* this act of speaking: *ʔɨd-ham-döhö-* [speak-go-transform-] 'went saying and transformed'.

In Isabel's telling of the Deer Story, she inserts a number of comments in the narrative; some of these are directly relevant to the story, while others reflect on her own narration. She observes at several points that the events she describes – which are understood to have taken place in a distant, mythic past – set a sort of precedent that shaped the world as we currently know it; for example, that women who remarry sometimes do not treat the children of their first marriage well, and that the leaves fed to the baby deer were exactly those that deer now eat from gardens, thus damaging the crop. Among her more self-reflective comments, she stumbles slightly over the first Tukano utterance of the spirit, and laughs that she did not deliver it so well; later on she hesitates momentarily and comments that she is trying to remember the story line. I have moved this second type of comments out of the main text and into the footnotes, so as not to distract from the flow of the story.

The text also makes use of a number of notable grammatical and discursive features that are characteristic of the Hup narrative genre more generally. The reported evidential (*mah*) is heavily used throughout, normally at least once per main clause, while the inferred evidential marker (*sud*) is mostly limited to quoted speech (such as, for example, the children are speculating about their mother's actions). The nonvisual evidential (*hõ*) occurs only in one of Isabel's asides, where she is commenting on her memory of the story; her asides also include a number of instances of the inferred evidential. Hup's second inferred or

### 7 Hup

assumed evidential (*ni*), which is restricted to past tense and is less dependent on tangible evidence, also occurs occasionally in the text. The distant past contrast marker (*s'ã́h*) only appears sporadically, in keeping with its generally infrequent use in Hup discourse, although some speakers use it more regularly in traditional narrative to index the distant time of the events and/or of when they themselves learned the stories (both considerations seem to be relevant). Other discursively important grammatical resources include the compound (serial) verb constructions, which offer a neat conceptual packaging of associated events or sub-events, as in the example of speaking and transforming given above. Finally, the text provides ample illustration of the head-tail linkage strategy that is common in Hup narrative, such that preceding clauses are often briefly summarized in the first part of the following sentence, marked with the sequential suffix *–yö́ʔ* (i.e., 'having done [verb], …'). These characteristics of Hup grammar and discourse are generally in keeping with those found in other Vaupés languages, while also exhibiting certain differences – for example, the very sporadic use of past-tense marking contrasts with its ubiquitous use in Tukanoan languages, and Stenzel (this volume) notes that Kotiria narrative makes much lighter use of reported evidential marking. Otherwise, closely similar evidential categories, compound/serial verb constructions, and head-tail linkage strategies are widely represented in the area, and Hup's fairly rigid verb-final constituent order, sensitivity of object (non-subject) case marking to animacy and definiteness, use of nominal classifiers, and range of aspectual categories are likewise generally consistent with a wider Vaupés linguistic profile (e.g. Gomez-Imbert 1996; Aikhenvald 2002; Epps 2007; Stenzel 2013; see also Stenzel, this volume). More information on these and many other aspects of Hup grammar can be found in Epps (2008).

The transcription conventions followed here make use of the Hup practical orthography, which has been adopted by Hup teachers in the local schools (see Ramirez 2006). The majority of symbols correspond to those found in the International Phonetic Alphabet, with the following exceptions. For vowels, orthographic <ë> = IPA /e/, <ä> = /ǝ/, <ö> = /o/, <e> = /æ/, and <o> = /ɔ/. For consonants, <s> = /c/ (palatal voiceless stop), with a word-initial allophone [ʃ], < ' > = /ʔ/, <j> = /ɟ/, and <y> = /j/. Hup's phonological inventory contains voiced, voiceless, and glottalized consonants; while glottalized consonants do not contrast underlyingly for voicing, the practical orthography distinguishes the allophones <s'/j'> and <k'/g'>, respectively (as realized in syllable onset and coda positions). Nasalization is a morpheme-level prosody in Hup, as is the case in other Vaupés languages, but nasal and oral allophones of voiced obstruents (<m/b> and <n/d>) are distinguished depending on whether the context is oral or nasal; otherwise,

### P. Epps, Isabel Salustiano, Jovino Monteiro & Pedro Pires Dias

a tilde on the vowel indicates that the entire syllable (in most cases, morpheme) is nasalized. Vowel-copying suffixes take their nasal/oral quality from the final element in the stem they attach to. Hup has two contrastive tones, which occur only on stressed syllables; these are marked via a diacritic on the vowel of the relevant syllable (v́ = high tone [of which a falling contour is an allophone], v̀ = rising tone).

The first line of transcribed text follows the full set of conventions of word segmentation and phonemic representation current in the practical orthography. The second transcription line deviates from these conventions in several respects: it provides a morphological breakdown, and in so doing it indicates morpheme/clitic boundaries within the phonological word (via - and =, respectively), in keeping with the morphological analysis provided in Epps (2008), including where these are represented by spaces between etyma in the practical orthography. The second transcription line also includes morpheme-initial glottal stops (which are phonemic but are omitted in the practical orthography), since these help to clarify the distinction between consonant- and vowel-initial suffixes within phonological words; it also uses the IPA symbol <ʔ> for the glottal stop consonant in order to differentiate this phoneme from the glottalized consonants (represented as <C'>). The third line provides a morpheme-by-morpheme gloss, with a list of non-standard abbreviations provided at the end of the text.

The line-by-line translations attempt to maintain a relatively literal reading that closely mirrors the discourse norms of the original, while balancing this goal with readability in English. In general, I have leaned toward transparency in the morpheme-by-morpheme glosses that correspond to relatively lexicalized multimorphemic constructions, while the meaning of the collocation as a whole is given in the translation line; e.g. *s'äb-te-yɨ'* (night-still-adv) 'morning'.

### 7 Hup

### **2 Mohõ̀y wäd nɨ̀h pɨnɨ̀g 'Story of the Deer Spirit' 'História do Espírito Veado'**<sup>1</sup>


'So, it's said, as she went upstream netting, it's said, he was (also) going upstream, fishing acará (*Pterophyllum* sp.) and setting them out (for her), a man.'

'Aí, dizem, enquanto ela ia rio acima pegando camarão, dizem, ele (também) estava indo rio acima, pescando acará e deixando lá (para ela), um homem.'

<sup>1</sup>Recordings of this story are available from https://zenodo.org/record/999238

### P. Epps, Isabel Salustiano, Jovino Monteiro & Pedro Pires Dias

(5) *Të́käk w'öb pe yö́', të́tɨh-k'etd'ö́hanay mah, tiyì' b'ay këy d'öb k'ët níayáh, mohòyóh.*

*të́* until *käk-w'öb-pe-yö́ʔ,* pull-set-go.upstream-seq *të́* until *tɨh=k'etd'ö́h-an-ay=mah,* 3sg=end-dir-inch=rep *tiyìʔ=b'ay* man=again *këy-d'öb-k'ët-ní-ay-áh, mohòy-óh.*

see-descend-stand-be-inch-decl deer-decl

'Until, having gone upstream fishing and setting out (the fish), all the way to the headwaters (of the stream), it's said, the man was standing (on the bank) looking down (at her), a deer.'

'Até, tendo indo rio acima pescando e deixando (o peixe), até a cabeceira (do igarapé), dizem, o homem ficou (na beira) olhando para baixo para ela.'

(6) *Yúp mah, "Ùy sap ũ̀h àn hõ̀p käk w'öb pée' páh?" tɨh nóop b'ay. yúp=mah,* that=rep *ʔùy* who *sap* ints *ʔũ̀h* epist *ʔàn* 1sg.obj *hõ̀p* fish *käk-w'öb-pé-e'* pull-set-go.upstream-q *páh?* prox.cntr *tɨh* 3sg *nó-op=b'ay.* say-dep=again

'So, it's said, "Who can it be, who has been going upstream fishing and setting out (fish) for me?" she said.'

'Aí, dizem, "Quem pode ser, que estava rio acima para a cima e deixando (peixe) para mim?" ela falou.'

(7) *Yɨnɨh yö́' mah, hõ̀p wed túup k'ṍhṍy nih, tẽhíp pã̀ãp k'ṍhṍy nih, hĩ́tɨh d'ö' pe yɨ'ɨ́ h. ́*

*yɨ-nɨh-yö́ʔ=mah,* dem.itg-be.like-seq=rep *hõ̀p* fish *wed-tú-up* eat-want-dep *k'ṍh-ṍy=nih,* be-dynm=emph.co *tẽh=ʔíp* child=father *pã̀-ãp* neg.ex-dep *k'ṍh-ṍy=nih,* be-dynm=emph.co *hĩ́* only *tɨh* 3sg *d'öʔ-pe-yɨʔ-ɨ ́ h. ́*

take-go.upstream-tel-dynm

'So, it's said, wanting to eat fish, being without a husband, she just went upstream taking the fish.'<sup>2</sup>

'Aí, dizem, querendo comer peixe, sem marido, ela ia para rio acima pegando o peixe.'

<sup>2</sup> Isabel uses the verb *k'õh-* 'be' throughout this text; this verb is a salient feature of the Japu dialect (whereas the middle Tiquié dialects use only the form *ni-*), and is often a source of comment among speakers regarding dialectal differences.

(8) *D'ö' pe yö́' mah, "Ya'àp yɨ' ãh wed tëh, nííy," no yö ́ ́' mah, tɨh hup käd b'ay yɨ' kamí mah, tɨhàn tɨh wíçíy. ́*

*d'ö'-pe-yö́ʔ=mah,* take-go.upstream-seq=rep *ya'àp=yɨʔ* all.gone=adv *ʔãh* 1sg *wed-të-h, ́* eat-fut-decl *ní-íy,* be-dynm *no-yö́ʔ=mah,* say-seq=rep *tɨh* 3sg *hup-käd-b'ay-yɨʔ-kamí=mah,* refl-pass-return-tel-moment.of=rep *tɨh-àn ́* 3sg-obj *tɨh* 3sg *wíç-íy.*

whistle-dynm

'Taking (the fish) as she went upstream, it's said, saying, "Just this I'll (take to) eat," it's said, just as she turned around to go back, he whistled to her.'

'Pegando (o peixe), rio acima, dizem, falando, "Só isso vou (levar para) comer," no momento em que ela virou para voltar, ele assobiou para ela.'

(9) *Tɨhàn tɨh wíçíy këyö ́ ́' mah, "Ùy sap ũ̀h, àn tiyì' pã̀ãt, àn wiç k'ët k'ö́'ö' páh?"*<sup>3</sup> *no yö́' mah.*

*tɨhàn ́* 3sg.obj *tɨh* 3sg *wíç-íy* whistle-dynm *këyö́ʔ=mah,* because=rep *ʔùy* who *sap* ints *ʔũ̀h,* epist *ʔàn* 1sg.obj *tiyìʔ* man *pã̀-ãt,* neg.ex-obl *ʔàn* 1sg.obj *wiç-k'ët-k'ö́ʔ-öʔ* whistle-stand-go.around-q *páh?* prox.cntr *no-yö́ʔ=mah.* say-seq=rep 'As he whistled, it's said, "Who could it be, (I being) without a husband, who could be going around whistling for me?" she said, it's said.'

'Como ele assobiou, dizem, "Quem pode ser, (eu) sem marido, quem está por aí assobiando para mim?" ela falou, dizem.'

(10) *Tɨh këy sop k'ëtë́ h, tɨh këy sop k'ë ́ të́ t mah, tɨh mè' sój d'öb k'ët pö ́ ́ayáh. tɨh* 3sg *këy-sop-k'ët-ë ́ h, ́* see-ascend-stand-decl *tɨh* 3sg *këy-sop-k'ët-ë ́ t=mah, ́* see-go.up-stand-obl=rep *tɨh* 3sg *m'èʔ* carajuru *sój d'öb-k'ët-pö́-ay-áh.*

brilliant descend-stand-emph1-inch-decl

'She stood looking up (toward the bank), as she stood looking up, it's said, he stood looking down, brilliant with *carajuru*. 4

'Ela ficou olhando para cima (na beira), e enquanto ficava olhando, dizem, ele olhava para baixo, brilhante com carajuru.'

7 Hup

<sup>3</sup>The particle *páh* marks recent past, but is used primarily in a contrastive sense; it is the counterpart of the distant past contrast marker mentioned above in the Introduction.

<sup>4</sup>*Carajuru* is the regional term for the *Arrabidaea chica* plant and the red body paint made from its leaves.

(11) *Yup m'é' sój d'öb k'ët yö́' mah, tɨhàn tɨh ɨ ́ dɨ́ h. ́ yup* that *m'éʔ* carajuru *sój* brilliant *d'öb-k'ët-yö́ʔ=mah,* descend-stand-seq=rep *tɨh-àn ́* 3sg-obj *tɨh* 3sg *ʔɨd-ɨ ́ h. ́* speak-decl 'Standing there looking down, brilliant with *carajuru*, it's said, he spoke to her.'

'Ficando lá olhando para ela, brilhante com carajuru, dizem, ele falou para ela.'

(12) *Yɨt páh, "Hõ ́ ̀p ámàn ãh käk w'öb péét, d'ö́'ö́y ám páh?" nóóy mah. yɨt́* thus *páh,* prox.cntr *hõ̀p* fish *ʔám-àn* 2sg-obl *ʔãh* 1sg *käk-w'öb-pé-ét,* pull-set-go.upstream-decl *d'ö́ʔ-ö́y* take-dynm *ʔám* 2sg *páh?* prox.cntr *nó-óy=mah.* say-dynm=rep

'And then, "Where I went upstream catching fish and setting them out for you; have you taken them?" he said, it's said.'

'Aí, "Lá onde fui rio acima, pescando e deixando peixe, você pegou?" ele falou, dizem.'


'"Take and eat them; having gone and eaten at your place I (will) be setting out fish for you," it's said.'

'"Leve-os para comer; depois de você ir e comer em casa, estarei deixando peixe para você", dizem.'


'Ela voltou, até chegar onde estavam as suas crianças.'

(19) *Yúp sä́' mehn'àn tɨh k'ët hipud yö́' mah, tɨh k'ët wed yö́' mah, tɨh k'ët õh yɨ'ɨ́ h. ́*

*yúp* dem.itg *sä́ʔ=meh=n'àn* shrimp=dim=pl.obj *tɨh* 3sg *k'ët-hipud-yö́ʔ=mah,* stand-mix.broth-seq=rep *tɨh* 3sg *k'ët-wed-yö́ʔ=mah,* stand-eat-seq=rep *tɨh* 3sg *k'ët-ʔõh-yɨʔ-ɨ ́ h. ́* stand-sleep-tel-decl

'Then, having made *mojica*<sup>5</sup> for them from the little shrimp, it's said, having fed them, she put them to sleep.'

'Aí, depois de fazer uma mojica de pequenos camarões para elas, dizem depois de tê-las alimentado, as colocou para dormir.'

7 Hup

<sup>5</sup>*Mojica* is a stew, usually made with fish, flavored with hot pepper, and thickened with tapioca.

### P. Epps, Isabel Salustiano, Jovino Monteiro & Pedro Pires Dias

(20) *Yúp k'ët õh yö́' mah yúp, "Nɨg õháy, hẽgyɨ' nɨg õh hẽ ́ gyɨ' áy, kayak dë ́ ̀h äg tu yö́' nɨg õh hẽgyɨ' áy!" tɨh nóóh. ́ yúp* dem.itg *k'ët-ʔõh-yö́ʔ=mah* stand-sleep-seq=rep *yúp,* dem.itg *"nɨg* 2pl *ʔõh-áy,* sleep-inch.imp *hẽg-yɨʔ ́* quick-adv *nɨg* 2pl *ʔõh-hẽg-yɨʔ-ʔáy, ́* sleep-quick-tel-vent.imp *kayak=dë̀h* manioc=liquid *ʔäg-tu-yö́ʔ* drink-immerse-seq *nɨg* 2pl *ʔõh-hẽg-yɨʔ-ʔáy! ́* sleep-quick-tel-vent.imp *tɨh* 3sg *nó-óh.* say-decl

'Putting them to sleep, "Quick, you all go to sleep quickly, having drunk up your *manicuera*, <sup>6</sup> you all go to sleep quickly!" she said.'

'Mandando eles dormir, "Rápido, durmam rápido, depois de beber toda a manicuera de vocês, durmam logo!" ela falou.'

(21) *Yɨ̃nóóy këyö́' mah yúp, yɨd'ä̀h mèhd'äh, tɨh-dö' mèhd'äh mah, íp pã̀ mèhd'äh, hɨd õh yɨ'ɨ́ h. ́*

*yɨ̃* dem.itg *nó-óy* say-dynm *këyö́ʔ=mah* because=rep *yúp,* dem.itg *yɨ-d'ä̀h* dem.itg-pl *mèh=d'äh,* dim=pl *tɨh=döʔ=mèh=d'äh=mah,* 3sg=child=dim=pl=rep *ʔíp* father *pã̀* neg.ex *mèh=d'äh,* dim=pl *hɨd* 3pl *ʔõh-yɨʔ-ɨ ́ h. ́* sleep-tel-decl 'Upon her saying this, it's said, those little ones, those little fatherless ones, they went to sleep.'

'Com ela falando isso, dizem, esses pequenos, esses pequenos sem pai, eles dormiram.'

(22) *Yúp mah bɨg nonɨ ́ h mah tɨh yë yɨ ́ 'ayáh. ́ yúp=mah* that=rep *bɨǵ* hab *no-nɨh=mah ́* say-neg=rep *tɨh* 3sg *yë-yɨʔ-ay-áh. ́* enter-tel-dynm-decl 'Then, it's said, it was not long before he came in.'

'Aí, dizem, não foi muito antes dele chegar.'

<sup>6</sup>As noted above, *manicuera* is a drink made from boiled manioc juice, often flavored with fruits.

7 Hup

(23) *Tɨh kètd'öh sö́'ö́y ṍy', hũ̀ytu sö́'ö́y ṍy', hakténéyd'äh ṍy'. tɨh* 3sg *kètd'öh* end *sö́ʔ-ö́y* loc-dynm *ʔṍy',* bunch *hũ̀ytu* behind *sö́ʔ-ö́y* loc-dynm *ʔṍy',* bunch *haktén-éy=d'äh* side-dynm-pl *ʔṍy'.* bunch 'With a bunch of game at the end (of a pole) in front, a bunch of game in back, bunches of game on either side.'

'Com umas caças no extremo (de um pau) na frente, umas caças atrás, caças dos dois lados.'

(24) *Mòh ṍy'd'äh k'ṍh maháh. Hisɨhnɨh mah yɨd'ä ́ ̀hä́h. Hõ̀pd'ähä́t yɨ', mòhd'ähä́t yɨ' mah tɨh k'õhníh.*

*mòh* tinamou *ʔṍyʔ=d'äh* bunch=pl *k'ṍh-mah-áh.* be-rep-decl *hisɨhnɨh=mah ́* many=rep *yɨ-d'ä̀h-ä́h.* dem.itg-pl-decl *hõ̀p=d'äh-ä́t=yɨʔ,* fish=pl-obl=adv *mòh=d'äh-ä́t=yɨʔ=mah* tinamou=pl-obl=adv=rep *tɨh* 3sg *k'õh-ní-h.* be-infr2-decl

'They were bunches of tinamous.<sup>7</sup> Lots of them. With fish, with tinamous he was thus (laden).'

'Tinham inambus. Muitos. Com peixes, com inambus, ele estava (carregado).'

<sup>7</sup>These birds of the family *Tinamidae* are a preferred type of game.

### P. Epps, Isabel Salustiano, Jovino Monteiro & Pedro Pires Dias

(25) *Yɨnɨh yö́' mah yúp, "Marĩ põ'ra, marĩ põ'ra karĩrã?" nóóy mah. yɨ-nɨh-yö́ʔ=mah* dem.itg-be.like-seq=rep *yúp,* dem.itg *marĩ* [1pl *põ'ra,* children *marĩ* 1pl *põ'ra* children *karĩ-rã?* sleep-pl] *nó-óy=mah* say-dynm=rep 'Thus, it's said, [in Tukano] "Are our children, our children asleep?" he said, it's said.'<sup>8</sup> 'Aí, dizem, [em Tukano] "Os nossos filhos, nossos filhos estão dormindo?" ele falou, dizem.' (26) *Wòh ĩh sud ũhníy. "Marĩ põ'ra karĩrã?" nóóy mah. wòh=ʔĩh=sud* river.indian=msc=infr1 *ʔũhníy.* maybe *Marĩ* [1pl *põ'ra* children *karĩ-rã?* sleep-pl] *nó-óy=mah.* say-dynm=rep 'He was apparently a River Indian, perhaps.<sup>9</sup> [In Tukano] "Are our

children asleep?" he said.'

'Era um indio do rio, parece. [em Tukano] "Nossos filhos estão dormindo?" ele falou.'


<sup>8</sup> Isabel stumbled a little over the Tukano phrase, and added a further comment:

<sup>(</sup>i) Yúp ãh d'äh d'äh ham nɨh dɨ' kodé, wòh ɨd mɨ ́ ̀' sud ũhniy yẽ́h yúwúh. *Yúp* dem.itg *ʔãh* 1sg *d'äh-d'äh-ham-nɨh́* send-send-go-neg *dɨʔ-kodé,* remain-vdim *wòh* river.indian *ʔɨd* speech *mɨʔ̀* under *sud-ʔũhniy* infr-maybe *yẽh́ yúw-úh.*

frust dem.itg-decl

<sup>9</sup>As discussed in the Introduction, the use of Tukano marks the deer spirit as an "Other". Here Isabel's meta-comment regarding his choice of language may have been motivated by the fact that her story was being recorded.

(27) *Yúp mah, yɨno yö́' mah yúp, yúp hõ̀p tɨh k'ët wédéh, hõ̀p tɨh k'ët wèd, mòh tɨh k'ët wèd, nííy mah. yúp=mah,* dem.itg=rep *yɨ-no-yö́ʔ=mah* dem.itg-say-seq=rep *yúp,* dem.itg *yúp* dem.itg *hõ̀p* fish *tɨh* 3sg *k'ët-wéd-éh,*<sup>10</sup> stand-eat-decl *hõ̀p* fish *tɨh* 3sg *k'ët-wèd,* stand-eat *mòh* tinamou *tɨh* 3sg *k'ët-wèd,* stand-eat *ní-íy=mah.* be-dynm=rep 'Having said that, it's said, he gave her fish to eat; he went on giving her fish to eat, to give her tinamous to eat, it's said.'

'Tendo falado assim, dizem, ele deu peixe para ela comer; ele continuou dando peixe, inambu, dizem.'


*të* until *sadakàʔ* chicken *ʔõh-säwäʔ-tëǵ* sleep-wake-fut *kót'ah=meh=mah,* before=dim=rep *tɨh* 3sg *tẽh=ʔín-ít* child=mother-obl *tɨh säk teʔ-sak-k'ãʔ-yɨʔ-ay-áh. ́*

3sg buttocks join.with-go.up-hang-tel-inch-decl

'Until just before the time that the rooster wakes and crows, he lay together with his wife in the hammock.'

'Até pouco antes do tempo do galo acordar e cantar, ele ficava deitado na rede com a mulher dele.'

### 7 Hup

<sup>10</sup>Hup derives causative constructions by means of compounded verb roots. The verb *d'öʔ-* 'take' is used for direct causation; *d'äh-* for less direct causation, and *k'ët-* 'stand' for indirect or 'sociative' causation, as in this example.


'On going out, it's said, he went off into the forest, that man.' 'Saindo, dizem, ele foi embora no mato, esse homem.'

(32) *Yɨnɨh mɨ' mah tɨh, "Nɨg s'om áyáy, tẽ ̀ h!" no d'äh d'öb yɨ' pɨ ́ dɨ́ h. ́ yɨ-nɨh* dem.itg-be.like *mɨʔ=mah ̀* under=rep *tɨh,* 3sg *"Nɨg* 2pl *s'om-ʔáy-áy,* bathe-vent-inch.imp *tẽh!" ́* offspring *no-d'äh-d'öb-yɨʔ-pɨd-ɨ ́ h. ́*

say-send-descend-tel-distr-decl

'With that, it's said, "You all go bathe, children!" she said, sending them down to the water.'

'Assim, dizem, "Vão tomar banho, filhos!" ela falou, mandando eles para o igarapé.'

(33) *Yɨnɨh yö́', s'äbtéyɨ' b'òt ham yö́' mah, kayak dë̀h tɨh bɨ'ɨ́ h. ́*

*yɨ-nɨh-yö́ʔ,* dem.itg-be.like-seq *s'äb-té-yɨʔ* night-still-adv *b'òt* swidden *ham-yö́ʔ=mah,* go-seq=rep *kayak* manioc *dë̀h tɨh bɨʔ-ɨ ́ h. ́*

liquid 3sg make-decl

'Having done thus, having gone early in the morning to her garden, it's said, she prepared *manicuera*.'

'Tendo feito assim, tendo ido de manhã cedo para a roça, dizem, ela preparou a manicuera.'

7 Hup

(34) *Kayak dë̀h bɨ' yö́' mah yúp, dɨ' téyɨ' pɨd mah, tɨh-dëhwàh mah tɨh tẽ ́ ̀hn'àn tɨh b'äh k'ët ṹhṹh. kayak dë̀h bɨʔ-yö́ʔ=mah yúp, dɨʔ té-yɨʔ pɨd=mah, ́*

manioc liquid make-seq=rep that remain still-adv distr=rep *tɨh=dëh-wàh=mah* 3sg=liquid-old.food=rep *tɨh* 3sg *tẽ̀h=n'àn* offspring=pl.obj *tɨh* 3sg *b'äh-k'ët-ʔṹh-ṹh.* pour-stand-appl-decl

'Having prepared *manicuera*, it's said, she would take a little that was left over, it's said, the part that isn't tasty, it's said, and she would pour that out for her children.'

'Tendo preparado a manicuera, dizem, ela tirou um pouco que sobrou, a parte sem gosto, e a despejou para os seus filhos'

(35) *Yɨnɨh mɨ' mah yúp tɨh tẽhípàn b'ay tɨh-dë ̀ ̀h húp b'ay, tɨh k'ä́h náw, sanàát hitú'úp náw, hipud y'et yɨ'ɨ́ h. ́*

*yɨ-nɨh* dem.itg-be.like *mɨʔ=mah ̀* under=rep *yúp* that *tɨh* 3sg *tẽh=íp-àn=b'ay* child=father-obj=again *tɨh=dë̀h* 3sg=liquid *húp=b'ay,* beautiful=again *tɨh=k'ä́h* 3sg-sweet *náw,* good *sanà-át* pineapple-obl *hi-túʔ-úp* fact-immerse-dep *náw,* good *hipud-y'et-yɨʔ-ɨ ́ h. ́*

mix.broth-lay-tel-decl

'But, it's said, for her husband, she would mix up good *manicuera*, sweet, mixed nicely with pineapple.'

'Mas, dizem, para o marido dela ela misturava a manicuera gostosa, doce, bem mixturada com abacaxí.'

(36) *Pë̀dët tɨh-kúút tɨh hipúdup, náw mah. ́*

*pë̀d-ët́* cunuri-obl *tɨh=kú-út* 3sg-age.bury-obl *tɨh* 3sg *hipúd-up,* mix.broth-dep *náw=mah.* good=rep 'She mixed it with aged *cunuri*; <sup>11</sup> it was good, it's said.' 'Ela misturou com cunuri enterrado, era muito boa, dizem.'

<sup>11</sup>The nuts of the *cunuri* tree (*Cunuria spruceana*) are prepared via a technique of burying them in the ground and leaving them for some time to ferment.

P. Epps, Isabel Salustiano, Jovino Monteiro & Pedro Pires Dias


our way is as she did, it's said, likewise.'

'As mulheres de hoje, (quando casam de novo e) não tratam bem nossos filhos, esse jeito é como o jeito dela, dizem, assim mesmo.'

(40) *Yúwàn ùy d'äh këy d'äh hám b'ayáh, yúpyɨ' tɨh bɨ' ni nɨh níh. yúw-àn=ʔùy=d'äh* that-obj=who=pl *këy-d'äh-hám-b'ay-áh,* see-send-go=again-dep-decl *yúp-yɨʔ* that-adv *tɨh* 3sg *bɨʔ-ni-nɨh-ní-h.* make-be-be.like-infr2-decl

'Because that's how it is for those people, thus in this way she behaved.' 'Por que é assim mesmo para essas pessoas, assim desse jeito ela fez.'

<sup>12</sup>The 'respected' marker *wäd* is an honorific device used for male referents, derived from *wähäd* 'old (male)' (compare *wa*, for old/respected female referents).

7 Hup

(41) *Hitama'nɨh nutèn ã ́ ́yd'äh ɨn hiníh tíh. hitamaʔ-nɨh́* do.well.by-neg *nutèn* today *ʔã́y=d'äh* woman=pl *ʔɨn=hin-íh* 1pl=also-decl *tíh.* emph2 'We (women who remarry) of today likewise do not treat (our children) well.' 'Nós (mulheres que casam outra vez) hoje em dia também não tratamos bem nossos filhos.' (42) *Yɨnɨhɨ ́ y mah yup d'ú' nénéy, nɨ ́ hɨ ́ y pɨ ́ d mah, "ɨn tẽ ́ h=d'äh õh yɨ' sɨ ́ ̃wɨ ́ ̃ ́y hɨd?" ́ tɨh no wɨdyë pɨdɨ́ h, yup wòh ɨ ́ dɨtɨ ́ h. ́ yɨ-nɨh-ɨ ́ y=mah ́* dem.itg-be.like-dynm=rep *yup* that *d'úʔ* evening *nén-éy,* come-dynm *nɨh-ɨ ́ ý* be.like-dynm *pɨd=mah, ́* distr=rep *ʔɨn* 1pl *tẽh=d'äh ́* offpring=pl *ʔõh-yɨʔ-sɨ̃w-ɨ ́ ̃ ́y* sleep-tel-compl-dynm *hɨd?́* 3pl *tɨh* 3sg *no-wɨdyë-pɨd-ɨ ́ h, ́* say-arrive.enter-distr-decl *yup* that *wòh* river.indian *ʔɨd-ɨt-ɨ ́ h. ́* language-obl-decl 'Then like that, it's said, the evening would arrive, it would go like this, it's said: "Are our children already asleep?" he would say as he entered, he would speak in River Indian language.'<sup>13</sup> 'Assim, dizem, no final do dia, era sempre assim, dizem: "Nossos filhos já estão dormindo?" ele dizia, entrando, dizia na língua dos indios do rio.' (43) *Yɨnɨh yö́' pɨd mah yúp, dɨ' téyɨ' pɨ ́ d, "nɨg õh yɨ ́ ', hẽ ́ ̀gay!" tɨh no pɨdɨ́ h. ́ yɨ-nɨh-yö́ʔ* dem.itg-be.like-seq *pɨd=mah ́* distr=rep *yúp,* that *dɨʔ* remain *té=yɨʔ* still=adv *pɨd, ́* distr *nɨg* 2pl *ʔõh-yɨʔ,́* sleep-tel.imp *hẽ̀g-ay!* quick-inch *tɨh* 3sg *no-pɨd-ɨ ́ h. ́* say-distr-decl 'Thus, it's said, just before (he would come), "You all go to sleep, quickly!" she would say.'

'Aí, dizem, pouco antes (dele chegar), "Vocês durmam logo!" ela falava."

<sup>13</sup>Here Isabel provides the Deer Spirit's quoted speech in Hup, but comments that he actually would have spoken in Tukano.

### P. Epps, Isabel Salustiano, Jovino Monteiro & Pedro Pires Dias

(44) *Yúp mah yúp, ya'ápyɨ' pɨd mah yup tɨh d'ö' níh, tɨh kètd'öh sö ́ ́'ö́y mòh õ̀y', hũ̀ytu sö́'ö́y mòh õ̀y', háktenéyd'äh hṹ sáp ni bahadnɨh pɨ ́ d mah tɨh yë ́ ë́ h. ́ yúp=mah* that=rep *yúp,* that *yaʔáp=yɨʔ* all.that=adv *pɨd=mah ́* distr=rep *yup* that *tɨh* 3sg *d'öʔ-ní-h,* take-infr2-decl *tɨh* 3sg *kètd'öh* end *sö́ʔ-ö́y* loc-dynm *mòh* tinamou *ʔõ̀y',* bunch *hũ̀ytu* behind *sö́ʔ-ö́y* loc-dynm *mòh* tinamou *ʔõ̀y',* bunch *hákten-éy=d'äh* side-dynm=pl *hṹ* animal *sáp* ints *ni-bahad-nɨh́* be-appear-neg *pɨd=mah ́* distr=rep *tɨh* 3sg *yë-ë́ h. ́* enter-decl 'So, it's said, he would take all that, it's said, a bunch of tinamou at the end (of the pole), a bunch of tinamou behind, (with so much game) on either side that he could hardly be seen, he would come in.'

'Aí, dizem, ele sempre levava tudo isso, dizem, um monte de inambu no final (de um pau), uns inambus atrás, (com tanta caça) nos dois lados que o corpo dele quase não aparecia, ele entrava.'

(45) *Yɨnɨ ̃ hɨ ́ y pɨ ́ d mah yup d'ú' tɨh k'ët wed wɨdyë ́ ë́ p, të ́ ́hiwag noh yet yɨ' pɨdɨ́ h, ́ të́sadakà' õh säwä' tëg kót'ah mah pɨ ́ d, hɨd yãhã ́ ́'ã́h, hɨd wédep. yɨ-nɨ ̃ h-ɨ ́ ý* dem.itg-be.like-dynm *pɨd=mah ́* distr=rep *yup* that *d'úʔ* evening *tɨh* 3sg *k'ët-wed-wɨdyë-ëp, ́* stand-eat-arrive.enter-dep *të́* until *hi-wag-noh-yet-yɨʔ-pɨd-ɨ ́ h, ́* fact-day-fall-lie-tel-distr-decl *të́* until *sadakàʔ* chicken *ʔõh-säwäʔ-tëǵ* sleep-wake-fut *kót'ah=mah* before=rep *pɨd, ́* distr *hɨd* 3pl *yãhã́ʔ-ã́h,* stop-decl *hɨd* 3pl *wéd-ep.* eat-dep 'Thus, it's said, he would arrive in the evening with food for her, and they would eat, stopping only when day was breaking, just before the rooster crows, it's said.'

'Assim, dizem, ele chegava no final do dia com comida para ela, e eles comiam até amanhecer, parando só pouco antes de o galo cantar, dizem.'

(46) *Yɨnɨh yö́' pɨd mah tɨh tẽ ́ hn'àn wèd dɨ'nɨ ́ h tɨh ni yɨ' pɨ ́ dɨ́ h. ́ yɨ-nɨh-yö́ʔ* dem.itg-be.like-seq *pɨd=mah ́* distr=rep *tɨh* 3sg *tẽh=n'àn ́* offspring=pl.obj *wèd* food *dɨʔ-nɨh́* remain-neg *tɨh* 3sg *ni-yɨʔ-pɨd-ɨ ́ h. ́* be-tel-distr-decl

'Always thus, it's said, she/they would leave nothing for her children.' 'Sempre era assim, dizem, não deixavam nada para os filhos.'

7 Hup

(47) *Tɨh tẽhn'àn wèd dɨ'nɨ ́ h ni yö ́ ́' pɨd, tɨh tẽhín máh tɨh sak k'ã' yö ́ ́' pɨd, hɨd ́ këynɨh yɨ' pɨ ́ d, tɨh way yɨ'ɨ ́ h. ́ tɨh* 3sg *tẽh=n'àn ́* offpring=pl.obj *wèd* food *dɨʔ-nɨh́* remain-neg *ni-yö́ʔ* be-seq *pɨd, ́* distr *tɨh* 3sg *tẽh=ʔín* child=mother *máh* near *tɨh* 3sg *sak-k'ãʔ-yö́ʔ* climb-hang-seq *pɨd, ́* distr *hɨd* 3pl *këy-nɨh=yɨʔ ́* see-neg=adv *pɨd, ́* distr *tɨh* 3sg *way-yɨʔ-ɨh. ́* go.out-tel-decl 'Always leaving no food for her children, he would climb into the

hammock with his wife, (and later) while they (the children) did not see, he would go out.'

'Sem deixar nada para os filhos, ele sempre subia na rede com a mulher dele, e (depois), sem as crianças ver, ele sempre saía.'

(48) *Tẽh bɨ' yö ́ ́' pɨd mah yɨ ́ t tɨh way yɨ' ni pɨ ́ dɨ́ h. ́*

*tẽh́* offspring *bɨʔ-yö́ʔ* make-seq *pɨd=mah ́* distr=rep *yɨt́* thus *tɨh* 3sg *way-yɨʔ-ni-pɨd-ɨ ́ h. ́* go.out-tel-be-distr-decl

'After producing a child,<sup>14</sup> it's said, he would go out.'

'Depois de fazer um filho, dizem, ele sempre saiu.'

(49) *Të bɨgay mah yúp, "Hɨn'ɨ ́ h yö ̀ ́' sáp ɨn ín, ɨnàn yɨ ́ ̃no bɨáh tì, yã̀' ɨnàn yɨ ́ ̃no bɨáh?" no yö́' mah, hɨd pɨb sákáy nih sud ũhníy, hɨdɨ́ h. ́ të* until *bɨg-ay=mah ́* long.time-inch=rep *yúp,* that *hɨn'ɨh-yö ̀ ́ʔ* what-seq *sáp* ints *ʔɨn* 1pl *ʔín,* mother *ʔɨn-àn ́* 1pl-obj *yɨ-no-bɨ-áh ̃* dem.itg-say-hab-foc *tì,* q.emph *yã̀ʔ* mom *ʔɨn-àn ́* 1pl-obj *yɨ-no-bɨ-áh? ̃* dem.itg-say-hab-foc *no-yö́ʔ=mah,* say-seq=rep *hɨd* 3pl *pɨb* strong *sák-áy=nih=sud* go.up-dynm=emph.co=infr *ʔũhníy,* maybe *hɨd-ɨ ́ h. ́* 3pl-decl 'Until, after a long time, it's said, (the children) said, "Why in the world does our mother always say this to us, does Mama always say this to us?" They were growing up, perhaps, those (children).'

'Até, depois de muito tempo, "Por que será que a nossa mãe sempre fala assim para nós, Mamãe sempre nos fala assim?" Eles estavam crescendo, parece, essas (crianças).'

<sup>14</sup>That is, they would make love, such that after a time his wife became pregnant. The wording here may refer to the model of conception in which repeated love-making events are understood to produce a child.

### P. Epps, Isabel Salustiano, Jovino Monteiro & Pedro Pires Dias

(50) *Yɨnɨhɨ ́ y mah yúp ayùp ĩh, tɨh-wàh dɨ ́ yɨ', këy k'ã ́ ́'ayáh. yɨ-nɨh-ɨ ́ y=mah ́* dem.itg-be.like-dynm=rep *yúp* that *ʔayùp=ĩh,* one=msc *tɨh=wàh* 3sg=mature *dɨyɨʔ, ́* cpm *këy-k'ã́ʔ-ay-áh.* see-hang-inch-decl 'So, it's said, one boy, the oldest one, (stayed awake) watching from his hammock.' 'Aí, dizem, um rapaz, o mais velho, (ficou acordado) olhando da rede dele.' (51) *Këy k'ã' yö́' mah yúp, "Hɨn'ɨh pöy sáp bɨ ̀ g yẽ ́ h tɨ ́ hah⁈ D'ú' ɨ ́ nàn 'hẽ ́ ̀gyɨ' nɨg õhyɨ' áy tẽh, nɨg ápyɨ' nɨg õh hẽ ́ ̀gyɨ' áy!' ɨnàn tɨh no bɨ ́ ɨ' s'ã ́ ́h?" no yö́' mah, këy-k'ãʔ-yö́ʔ=mah* see-hang-seq=rep *yúp,* that *hɨn'ɨh̀* what *pö-y* emph-dynm *sáp* ints *bɨǵ* hab *yẽh́* frust *tɨh-ah⁈ ́* 3sg-foc *d'úʔ* evening *ʔɨn-àn ́* 1pl-obj *hẽ̀g-yɨʔ* quick-adv *nɨg* 2pl *ʔõh-yɨʔ-ʔáy* sleep-tel-vent.imp *tẽh, ́* offspring *nɨg* 2pl *ʔápyɨʔ* all *nɨg* 2pl *ʔõh-hẽ̀g-yɨʔ-ʔáy!* sleep-quick-tel-vent.imp *ʔɨn-àn ́* 1pl-obj *tɨh* 3sg *no-bɨ-ɨʔ́* say-hab-q *s'ã́h?* dst.cntr<sup>15</sup> *no-yö́ʔ=mah,* say-seq=rep 'Watching from the hammock, saying, "What in the world is she always doing⁈ Why does she always say, in the evening, 'Go quickly to sleep, children, all of you go quickly to sleep!'?"' 'Olhando da rede dele, dizendo, "O que é que ela pode estar fazendo⁈ Porque ela sempre fala, no final do dia, 'Vão dormir logo, filhos, vocês

todos durmam logo!'?"'

(52) *yúp tɨh wãg yäd k'ã́'ayáh, yág seseg ë' ní-íy mah, s'ámyɨ' hä'; yúp* that *tɨh* 3sg *wãg-yäd-k'ã́ʔ-ay-áh,* spy-hide-hang-inch-decl *yág* hammock *seseg-ʔëʔ-ní=mah,* perforated-pfv-infr2=rep *s'ám=yɨʔ* dst.cntr=adv *häʔ;* tag2

'He hung spying, hidden; it was a net-woven hammock, it's said, (the kind from) the old days;'

'Ele ficou lá espiando, escondido; era uma rede tecida (de fibra), dizem, de antigamente;'

<sup>15</sup>The 'distant past contrast' marker (dst.cntr) *s'ãh* in this context clarifies that the situation has been going on for a long time.

7 Hup

(53) *s'àk s'ó yág ë' ní mah, s'ámyɨ'ɨy yágáh. s'àk* buriti *s'ó* flower *yág-ʔëʔ-ní=mah,* hammock-pfv-infr2=rep *s'ám=yɨʔ-ɨy* dst.cntr=adv-dynm *yág-áh.* hammock-decl 'in the old days they were buriti-fiber hammocks, those hammocks in the old days.'<sup>16</sup>

'antigamente tinham redes de fibra de buriti, essas redes antigas.'

(54) *Nutènep tëghṍd'äh nɨh yágay, nutènep, yág húpútay nɨg k'ã ̀ ́'ãhä̀'; páy mah ɨn pem k'ö' ëh, s'ámyɨ'ɨh. ́*

*nutèn-ep* today-dep *tëghṍ=d'äh* non.indian=pl *nɨh̀* poss *yág-ay,* hammock-inch *nutèn-ep,* today-dep *yág* hammock *húp-út-ay* beautiful-obl-inch *nɨg* 2pl *k'ã́ʔ-ãhä̀ʔ;* hang-tag2 *páy=mah* bad=rep *ʔɨn* 1pl *pem-k'ö'-ʔëh, ́* sit-go.around-pfv *s'ám=yɨʔ-ɨh.*

dst.cntr=adv-decl

'Nowadays you all lie in the non-Indian people's nice hammocks; we went badly in the old days, it's said.'

'Hoje em dia vocês deitam nas redes bonitas dos brancos; foi mal para nós antigamente.'

(55) *Yɨn'ɨh yág hitä ̀ ́'äp mah yúp tɨh wãg yäd k'ã́'ã́h, yup tiyì' mehéh. yɨ-n'ɨh̀* dem.itg-nmlz *yág* hammock *hitä́ʔ-äp=mah* covered-dep=rep *yúp* that *tɨh* 3sg *wãg-yäd-k'ã́ʔ-ã́h,* spy-hide-hang-decl *yup* that *tiyìʔ=meh-éh.* man=dim-decl

'So, covered by that hammock, it's said, he hung spying, hidden, that boy.' 'Assim, coberto pela rede, dizem, ele ficou lá espiando, escondido, aquele rapazinho.'

<sup>16</sup>Here Isabel offers an explanatory comment; today most indigenous people of the region use manufactured cotton hammocks bought or traded for from local merchants. Buriti is the regional name for the palm *Mauritius flexuosa*.

### P. Epps, Isabel Salustiano, Jovino Monteiro & Pedro Pires Dias

(56) *Yúp yɨnɨh yö́' mah yúp, "hɨn'ɨh të ̀ g ɨn yà⁈ ɨ ́ nàn yɨnɨ ́ hɨ ́ y sud ɨn íníh, páy ́ bɨ'ɨ́ y sud ɨ ́ n ín ɨ ́ nànáh! ́* 17 *yúp* that *yɨ-nɨh-yö́ʔ=mah* dem.itg-be.like-seq=rep *yúp,* that *hɨn'ɨh-të ̀ ǵ* what-fut *ʔɨn* 1pl *yà⁈* tag1 *ʔɨn-àn ́* 1pl-obj *yɨ-nɨh-ɨ ́ y=sud ́* dem.itg-be.like-dynm=infr *ʔɨń* 1pl *ʔín-íh,* mother-decl *páy* bad *bɨʔ-ɨ ́ y=sud ́* work-dynm=infr *ʔɨń* 1pl *ʔín* mother *ʔɨn-àn-áh! ́* 1pl-obj-decl

'So, it's said, "What can we do⁈ Our mother has been doing thus to us, it seems, our mother has been doing badly by us, it seems!'

'Aí, dizem, "O que podemos fazer⁈ Parece que a nossa mãe está nos tratando assim, parece que a nossa mãe está nos fazendo mal!'

(57) *"Ya'áp s'ã́h hɨd wed bɨg súdúh! Këyë́ y s'ã ́ ́h ã́hã́h, méh!" tɨh nóayáh.*<sup>18</sup> *yaʔáp* all.that *s'ã́h* dst.cntr *hɨd* 3pl *wed-bɨg-súd-úh!* eat-hab-infr-decl *këy-ë ́ ý* see-dynm *s'ã́h* dst.cntr *ʔã́h-ã́h,* 1sg-decl *méh! tɨh nó-ay-áh.*

younger.sister 3sg say-inch-decl

'"They've been eating so much all this time, apparently! I've seen it, younger sister!" he said.'

'Faz tempo que eles estão comendo tanto, parece! Eu vi, minha irmã menor!" ele falou.'

<sup>17</sup>The boy's comment makes use of the inferential evidential, in contrast to the reported evidential that is used more heavily throughout the narrative text.

<sup>18</sup>In this utterance, the distant past contrast marker (together with the inferential evidential) clarifies that the event must have been going on for a long time.


recp=speak-decl

'So, it's said, in the morning as they were going to bathe they spoke together.'

'Aí, dizem, de manhã, quando estavam indo para tomar banho, eles falavam entre eles.'


'As she was going to the garden, as always, she poured out old tasteless *manicuera* for (the children), it's said.'

'Saindo para a roça, como sempre, ela deixou a manicuera ruim para (as crianças), dizem.'

<sup>19</sup>This utterance illustrates the use of the reciprocal prefix *-ʔũh*, which is formally identical to several other morphemes in Hup (as evident in this text), including the applicative suffix and the epistemic modal particle. See Epps (2010) for discussion of the historical connection among these forms.

### P. Epps, Isabel Salustiano, Jovino Monteiro & Pedro Pires Dias

(61) *Yúp b'ay mah, tɨh tẽhípàn tɨh-dëh húp yɨ' pɨd, sanàát tɨh hitú'up náw pɨ ́ d, ́ tɨh hipud y'et yɨ'ɨ́ h, pë ́ ̀dët hitú'up. ́ yúp=b'ay=mah,* that=again=rep *tɨh* 3sg *tẽh=ʔíp-àn* child=father-obj *tɨh=dëh* 3sg=liquid *húp=yɨʔ* beautiful=cntr.emph *pɨd, ́* distr *sanà-át* pineapple-obl *tɨh* 3sg *hitúʔ-up* mix-dep *náw* good *pɨd, ́* distr *tɨh* 3sg *hipud-y'et-yɨʔ-ɨ ́ h, ́* mix.broth-lay-tel-decl *pë̀d-ët́* cunuri-obl *hitúʔ-up.* mix-dep 'And again, it's said, for her husband it was good *manicuera*, nicely mixed

with pineapple, that she mixed and set out, mixed with *cunuri*.'

'E como sempre, dizem, para o marido dela ela misturou e colocou a manicuera boa, bem misturada com abacaxí, misturada com cunuri.'

(62) *Yɨnɨh yö́' mah yúp, "hɨn'ɨh të ̀ g ɨ ́ n, ɨ ́ nàn yúpyɨ' bɨ' nɨ ́ hɨ ́ y sud yúwúh⁈" no yö ́ ́' mah, hɨd tɨh-dö́'d'äh hɨd hámayáh. yɨ-nɨh-yö́ʔ=mah* dem.itg-be.like-seq=rep *yúp,* that *hɨn'ɨh-të ̀ ǵ* what-fut *ʔɨn, ́* 1pl *ʔɨn-àn ́* 1pl-obj *yúp=yɨʔ* thus=adv

*bɨʔ-nɨh-ɨ ́ y=sud ́* make-be.like-dynm=infr *yúw-úh⁈* dem.itg-decl *no-yö́ʔ=mah,* say-seq=rep *hɨd* 3pl *tɨh=dö́ʔ=d'äh* 3sg=child=pl *hɨd hám-ay-áh.*

3pl go-inch-decl

'So then, it's said, saying, "What will we do, (since) she's apparently treating us this way⁈" it's said, the children went off.'

'Assim, dizem, falando "O que vamos fazer, com ela nos tratando assim⁈" dizem, as crianças foram embora.'

(63) *Ham yö́' mah, d'ùç hɨd hátáh. ham-yö́ʔ=mah,* go-seq=rep *d'ùç* timbó *hɨd* 3pl *hát-áh.* dig-decl

> 'Having gone, it's said, they dug up fish-poison (root/vine).'<sup>20</sup> 'Foram, dizem, e desenterravam timbó.'

<sup>20</sup>Fish-poison (regional name "timbó"; *Lonchocarpus* sp.) is used to poison sections of streams in order to kill fish, but can also be used as a means of poisoning people. The root is beaten in water to release the poison.

(64) *D'ùç hat yö́' mah, s'ómop tɨh kädd'öb mɨ' mah, d'ùç hɨd tätäd d'ö ̀ ́'ayáh. d'ùç* timbó *hat-yö́ʔ=mah,* dig-seq=rep *s'óm-op* bathe-dep *tɨh* 3sg *kädd'öb-mɨʔ=mah, ̀* pass.descend-under=rep *d'ùç* timbó *hɨd* 3pl *tätäd-d'ö́ʔ-ay-áh.*

beat.timbó-take-inch-decl

'Having dug fish-poison, as she (their mother) was on her way down (to the stream) to bathe, they beat the fish-poison (to release the poison).'

'Depois de desenterrar o timbó, enquanto (a mãe) estava indo para tomar banho, eles baterem o timbó (para fazer o veneno sair).'

(65) *Tätäd d'ö' yö́', yúp tɨh-dëh húpút, tɨh hipud y'et yɨ'ɨwɨ ́ t hɨd köw'öw' tu' y'et ́ yɨ'ayáh. ́*

*tätäd-d'öʔ-yö́ʔ,* beat.timbó-take-seq *yúp* that *tɨh=dëh* 3sg=liquid *húp-út,* beautiful-obl *tɨh* 3sg *hipud-y'et-yɨʔ-ɨw-ɨ ́ t́* mix.broth-lay-tel-flr-obl *hɨd* 3pl *köw'öw'-tuʔ-y'et-yɨʔ-ay-áh. ́* squeeze-immerse-lay-tel-inch-decl 'Having beaten the fish-poison, they squeezed (the juice) into the tasty *manicuera*, into the *manicuera* that (their mother) had set out (for her

husband).'

'Depois de bater timbó, eles espremiam (o líquido) na manicuera boa, na manicuera que (a mãe) tinha colocado (para o marido).'

(66) *Köw'öw' tu' y'et yɨ' yö́' mah, hɨd yɨn'ɨh nonɨ ̀ h õh yɨ ́ 'ayáh. ́ köw'öw'-tuʔ-y'et-yɨʔ-yö́ʔ=mah,* squeeze-immerse-lay-tel-seq=rep *hɨd* 3pl *yɨ-n'ɨh̀* dem.itg-compl *no-nɨh́* say-neg *ʔõh-yɨʔ-ay-áh. ́*

sleep-tel-inch-decl

'Having squeezed the juice into (it), it's said, they went to sleep, saying nothing about it.'

'Depois de espremer o líquido (na manicuera), dizem, eles dormiram, sem dizer nada.'

(67) *Yúp mah ayùp ĩh, këy k'ã' bɨgɨp ĩh yɨ' pɨ ́ d, këy k'ã ́ ́' b'ayáh. yúp=mah* dem.itg=rep *ʔayùp=ʔĩh,* one=msc *këy-k'ãʔ-bɨg-ɨp=ʔĩh=yɨʔ ́* see-hang-hab-dep=msc=cntr.emph *pɨd, ́* distr *këy-k'ã́ʔ-b'ay-áh.* see-hang-again-decl

'So, it's said, one boy, the one who had been watching from his hammock, watched from his hammock again.'

'Aí, dizem, um rapaz, aquele que estava olhando da rede, ficou olhando da rede de novo.'


'"Já dormiram, dormiram há pouco tempo," ela falou, a mulher dele.'

(71) *Yɨ̃no yö́' mah yúp, tɨh ä́gayáh, yúwädä́h, wed hupsɨ̃ ̀p, yup hɨd kö'wöw' tu' y'et yɨ' pög ëwànáh. ́ yɨ-no-yö́ʔ=mah* dem.itg-say-seq=rep *yúp,* dem.itg *tɨh* 3sg *ʔä́g-ay-áh,* drink-inch-decl *yú-wäd-ä́h,* dem.itg-resp-decl *wed-hup-sɨ̃ ̀p,* eat-refl-compl *yup* that *hɨd* 3pl *kö'wöw'-tuʔ-y'et-yɨʔ-pög-ʔë-w-àn-áh. ́* squeeze-immerse-lay-tel-aug-pfv-flr-obj-decl

'Having said that, it's said, he drank it, that respected one, after eating, that which they had squeezed (poison) into and left there.'

'Falando isso, dizem, ele tomou (a manicuera), esse (veado), depois de comer, aquela que eles tinham deixado com (o veneno) espremido.'

(72) *Yúp äg yö́' mah tɨh sak k'ã' yɨ'ayáh, hɨd ka'àpd'äh. ́ yúp* dem.itg *ʔäg-yö́ʔ=mah* drink-seq=rep *tɨh* 3sg *sak-k'ãʔ-yɨʔ-ay-áh, ́* climb-hang-tel-inch-decl *hɨd* 3pl *kaʔàp=d'äh.* two=pl

'Having drunk, it's said, he climbed into the hammock, the two of them (together).'<sup>21</sup>

'Depois de tomar, ele subiu na rede, os dois juntos.'

<sup>21</sup>Here Isabel briefly lost her train of thought and commented:

(i) *Hɨ̃no pö́y ũh mah s'ã́h yúw? Ãh hipãhnɨh yúwàn, ã ́ ́hã́h, yúp, hã̀y, hɨ̃no pö́y mah s'ã́h yúw? Yúwàn ãh hipãhnɨh hõ. ́ Hɨ̃* what *no-pö́-y* say-emph1-dynm *ʔũh=mah* epist=rep *s'ã́h* dst.cntr *yúw?* dem.itg *ʔÃh* 1sg *hipãh-nɨh́* know-neg *yúw-àn,* dem.itg-obj *ʔã́h-ã́h,* 1sg-decl *yúp,* dem.itg *hã̀y,* um *hɨ̃* what *no-pö́-y=mah* say-emph1-dynm=rep *s'ã́h* dst.cntr *yúw?* dem.itg *Yúw-àn* dem.itg-obj *ʔãh* 1sg

*hipãh-nɨh=hõ. ́*

know-neg=nonvis

<sup>&#</sup>x27;Now how does it (the story) go? I don't remember this part, um, how does it go? I don't remember this part.'

<sup>&#</sup>x27;Então, como é essa parte (da história)? Não lembro essa parte, eh, como é? Não lembro essa parte.'


he went directly to sleep.'

'Tendo subido na rede, dizem, bêbado, ele dormiu direto.'

(75) *Yɨt mah tɨh na' yɨ' níayáh tɨh tẽhín hupáh máh, tɨh tawak k'ã' pög níayáh. ́ yɨt=mah ́* thus=rep *tɨh* 3sg *naʔ-yɨʔ-ní-ay-áh* lose.consciousness-tel-be-inch-decl *tɨh* 3sg *tẽh=ʔín* child=mother *hupáh* back *máh,* near *tɨh* 3sg *tawak-k'ãʔ-pög-ní-ay-áh.* stiff-hang-aug-be-inch-decl

'Thus, it's said, he died there against his wife's back, he lay there stiff.' 'Assim, dizem, ele morreu lá contra as costas da mulher dele, ele ficou lá rígido.'

(76) *Yúp mah yúp, "ɨn tẽhd'äh säwä ́ ́'ayáh!" noyö́' mah, tɨh yũy' yẽhayáh, tɨh ́ yũy' yẽhayáh, säwä'nɨ ́ hay mah, ́ yúp=mah* dem.itg=rep *yúp,* dem.itg *ʔɨn* 1pl *tẽh=d'äh ́* offspring=pl *säwä́ʔ-ay-áh!* awake-inch-decl *no-yö́ʔ=mah,* say-seq=rep *tɨh* 3sg *yũy'-yẽh-ay-áh, ́* shake-frust-inch-decl *tɨh* 3sg *yũy'-yẽh-ay-áh, ́* shake-frust-inch-decl *säwäʔ-nɨh-ay=mah, ́* awake-neg-inch=rep

'So, it's said, saying "Our children are waking up!" she shook him and shook him in vain; he did not wake up.'

'Aí, dizem, falando, "Nossos filhos estão acordando!" dizem, ela o sacudiu, o sacudiu, para nada; ele não acordou.'

(77) *Säwä' huphipãhnɨh, tawak d'ak pö ́ ́ay mah, tɨh hupáh, tɨh tẽhín hupáh, mohòyṍh.*

*säwäʔ-hup-hipãh-nɨh, ́* awake-refl-know-neg *tawak-d'ak-pö́-ay=mah,* stiff-be.against-aug-inch=rep *tɨh* 3sg *hupáh,* back *tɨh* 3sg *tẽh=ʔín hupáh, mohòy-ṍh.*

offspring=mother back deer-decl

'He did not awake to consciousness, he lay there stiff against his wife's back, it's said, the deer.'

'Ele não acordou, ficou lá rígido contra as costas da mulher dele, dizem, o veado.'

(78) *"Nɨg s'õm áy ham áy tẽ ́ h! Hɨn'ɨ ́ h nɨg k'ã ̀ ́'ã́y nɨg?" no ë ́ ̀y mah yúp, hɨd ín waáh.*

*nɨǵ* 2pl *s'õm-ʔáy* bathe-vent.imp *ham-ʔáy* go-vent.imp *tẽh! ́* offspring *hɨn'ɨh̀* what *nɨg* 2pl *k'ã́ʔ-ã́y* hang-dynm *nɨg?́* 2pl *no-ʔë̀-y=mah yúp, hɨd ʔín=wa-áh.*

say-pfv-dynm=rep dem.itg 3pl mother=resp-decl

'"You all go bathe, children! What are you doing still in your hammocks?" she said, it's said, their mother.'

'"Vão embora tomar banho, filhos! Por que vocês ficam ainda nas redes?" ela falou, dizem, a mãe deles.'


'Aí, dizem, enquanto (eles estavam fora), parece, ela juntou um feixe grande de casca de árvore.'

### P. Epps, Isabel Salustiano, Jovino Monteiro & Pedro Pires Dias

(81) *Yɨt mah yúp tɨh päd hiyet yɨ' pö ́ ́ayáh, tɨh tẽhíp pögàn, mohòy wädàn. yɨt=mah ́* thus=rep *yúp* dem.itg *tɨh* 3sg *päd-hi-yet-yɨʔ-pö́-ay-áh,* encircle-fact-lie-tel-aug-inch-decl *tɨh* 3sg *tẽh=ʔíp=pög-àn,* offspring=father=aug-obj *mohòy=wäd-àn.* deer=resp-obj 'So, it's said, she laid (his body) encircled (in the bark), her husband, the deer.'

'Aí, dizem, ela envolveu (o corpo dele na casca), o marido dela, o veado.'

(82) *Yúp päd hiyet yɨ' yö́' mah yúp tëg b'ók pögö́t yɨt tɨh m'am'an' d'ö' kädway ́ yɨ'ayáh, ́*

*yúp* dem.itg *päd-hi-yet-yɨʔ-yö́ʔ=mah* encircle-fact-lie-tel-seq=rep *yúp* dem.itg *tëg=b'ók* tree=bark *pög-ö́t* big-obl *yɨt́* thus *tɨh m'am'an'-d'öʔ-kädway-yɨʔ-ay-áh, ́*

3sg roll.up-take-pass.go.out-tel-inch-decl

'Having laid out (his body) out encircled, it's said, she rolled (it) up in the bark and took it quickly out (of the house),'

'Depois de envolver (o corpo dele), dizem, ela o enrolou na casca e levou fora da casa.'

(83) *täh sud d'ö' kädway yɨ'ayáh, tɨnɨ ́ h máj pöö ̀ ́t. täh-sud-d'öʔ-kädway-yɨʔ-ay-áh, ́* break-be.inside-take-pass.go.out-tel-inch-decl *tɨnɨh̀* 3sg.poss *máj=pö-ö́t.* basket=aug-obl

'She broke up (his body, to fit) inside (the basket) and took it quickly out, in her basket.'

'Ela quebrou (o corpo para fazer entrar) dentro (de uma cesta), e levou rapidamente fora, no aturá dela.'

(84) *Täh sud d'ö' kädway yö́' mah, tɨh kẽ'ay mah s'ã ́ ́h tí, pö́hö́y mòyan. täh-sud-d'öʔ-kädway-yö́ʔ=mah,* break-be.inside-take-pass.go.out-seq=rep *tɨh* 3sg *kẽʔ-ay=mah ́* bury-inch=rep *s'ã́h* dst.cntr *tí,* emph.dep *pö́h-ö́y* high-dynm *mòy-an.* house-dir

'Having broken it up inside and gone out quickly, it's said, she buried him, it's said, in a place high up (in the sky).'

'Depois de quebrâ-lo dentro e sair rápido, dizem, ela enterrou ele, dizem, num lugar alto (no céu).'

(85) *Pö́hö́y mòyan s'ã́h, yɨd'ähä ́ ́h, nusá'áh yɨd'ähä ́ ́h, mohòy höd nóop bahad bɨɨtíh, pö ́ ́hö́y sa'ah sö'ötíh, mohòy höd hɨd nóowóh. pö́h-ö́y* high-dynm *mòy-an* house-dir *s'ã́h,* dst.cntr *yɨ-d'äh-ä ́ ́h,* dem.itg-pl-decl *nu-sáʔáh* here-side *yɨ-d'äh-ä ́ ́h,* dem.itg-pl-decl *mohòy* deer *höd* hole *nó-op* say-dep *bahad-bɨ-ɨtíh, ́* appear-hab-emph2 *pö́h-ö́y* high-dynm *saʔah söʔ-ötíh mohòy höd hɨd nó-ow-óh.*

side loc-emph2 deer hole 3pl say-flr-decl

'In a place high up (in the sky), over here, people from here (say), that which they call the Deer's Tomb always appears, up high (in the sky), they call (it) the Deer's Tomb.'<sup>22</sup>

'Num lugar alto (no céu); sempre aparece para cá, gente daqui (dizem), aquele que chamam de Túmulo do Veado, bem alto, o que chamam de Túmulo do Veado.'

(86) *Yúp mah yúwúh, mohòy höd hɨd nóowóh. yúp=mah* dem.itg=rep *yúw-úh,* dem.itg-decl *mohòy* deer *höd* hole *hɨd* 3pl *nó-ow-óh.* say-flr-decl 'That's it, it's said, they call it the Deer's Tomb.'

'É isso, dizem, que chamam de Túmulo do Veado.'

### 7 Hup

<sup>22</sup>As noted in the Introduction, the location of this formation is uncertain, but it appears to be one of the "constellations" represented by a gap among stars.


'As she stayed there unhappy with them, they became aware of it.' 'Como ela ficou lá infeliz com eles, eles já perceberam.'


(92) *Yúp mohòy tẽhàn sú'up mah yúp, pö ́ ́h, máját, sákuút tɨhàn tɨh yö k'ã' ni ́ b'ayáh, yúp tɨh tẽh mehànáh ́ yúp* dem.itg *mohòy* deer *tẽh-àn ́* offspring-obj *súʔ-up=mah* catch-seq=rep *yúp,* dem.itg *pö́h,* high *máj-át,* basket-obl *sáku-út* bag-obl *tɨh-àn ́* 3sg-obj *tɨh* 3sg *yö-k'ãʔ-ni-b'ay-áh,* dangle-hang-be-again-decl *yúp* dem.itg *tɨh* 3sg *tẽh=meh-àn-áh. ́*

offspring=dim-obj-decl

'Having given birth to the deer's child, she put it into a basket, a sack, and she hung it up high (in the house), her little child.'

'Depois de ter o filho do veado, ela colocou (o nenê) em um aturá, em um saco, e pendurou no alto (da casa), o filhinho dela.'

(93) *Tëg-sä̀hä́t mone yö́' mah, tɨh d'ö' sud k'ã' yɨ' níh. tëg=sä̀h-ä́t* wood=charcoal-obl *mone-yö́ʔ=mah,* mix-seq=rep *tɨh* 3sg *d'öʔ-sud-k'ãʔ-yɨʔ-ní-h.* take-be.inside-hang-tel-infr2-dynm

> 'Having mixed in charcoal (in order to conceal the child in the basket), she put it in (the basket) and hung it up.'

'Misturando com carvão (para esconder o nenê), ela colocou (no aturá) e pendurou no alto.'

(94) *S'äbtéyɨ' tɨh no' púdup, b'òt wɨdyëë́ p tɨh no' púdup, ya'àp yɨ' mah tɨh no' ́ pud pɨdɨ́ h. ́*

*s'äbtéyɨʔ* morning *tɨh* 3sg *noʔ-púd-up,* give-nurse-dep *b'òt* swidden *wɨdyë-ë́ ṕ* arrive.enter-dep *tɨh* 3sg *noʔ-púd-up,* give-nurse-dep *yaʔàp=yɨʔ=mah* all.that=adv=rep *tɨh* 3sg *noʔ-pud-pɨd-ɨ ́ h. ́* give-nurse-distr-decl

'She would nurse it in the early morning, she would nurse it when she came back from her swidden garden, those were the only (times) she would nurse it.'

'De manhã, ela dava peito, chegando da roça ela dava peito, só nessas (vezes), dizem, ela dava peito (para ele).'

### P. Epps, Isabel Salustiano, Jovino Monteiro & Pedro Pires Dias

(95) *"Hɨn'ɨh bɨ ̀ g yẽ ́ h, yã ́ ̀' b'òt wɨdyëëp yɨkán käkäynɨ ́ h yɨ' kädsak wög bɨg yẽ ́ hẽ' ́ yà?" no yö́' mah, hɨd sákayáh, dö́'d'ähä́h. hɨn'ɨh̀* what *bɨǵ* hab *yẽh, ́* frust *yã̀ʔ* mama *b'òt* swidden *wɨdyë-ëp ́* arrive.enter-dep *yɨkán* there *käkäy-nɨh=yɨʔ ́* gap-neg=adv *kädsak-wög-bɨg-yẽh-ẽʔ ́* pass.climb-aug-hab-frust-q *yà?* qtag *no-yö́ʔ=mah,* say-seq=rep *hɨd* 3pl *sák-ay-áh,* climb-dynm-decl *dö́ʔ=d'äh-ä́h.* child=pl-decl

'"What could it be, why does Mama always climb up there when she comes back from the swidden garden?" Saying this, it's said, they climbed up (to see), the children.'

'"O que será? Por que mamãe sempre sobe lá quando ela volta da roça?" Falando assim, dizem, eles subiram para ver, as crianças.'


'Subindo, eles viram, já estava crescendo forte, dizem.'

<sup>23</sup>That is, they lacked a sense of what is right and/or socially acceptable (*hup-hipãh-nɨh́* [reflknow-neg] lit. 'did not know themselves').


"irmã menor!" eles se falavam.'

(100) *D'ö' hi yö́' mah, "Máy! n'ikán, kayak tìg k'et, pí' k'et ɨn no' k'ö́'ayáh, yɨ'an!" no yö ́ ́' mah, d'öʔ-hi-yö́ʔ=mah,* take-descend-seq=rep *máy!* let's.go *n'ikán,* over.there *kayak=tìg=k'et,* manioc=stem=leaf *píʔ=k'et* potato=leaf *ʔɨn* 1pl *noʔ-k'ö́ʔ-ay-áh,* give-go.about-inch-decl *yɨʔ-an!" ́* capoeira-dir *no-yö́ʔ=mah,* say-seq=rep 'Taking (it) down, saying, "Come on! Let's go give it manioc and potato leaves out there in the *capoeira* (overgrown swidden)!" it's said,' 'Depois de baixâ-lo, falando, "Bora! Vamos lá na capoeira para dar folhas de mandioca, folhas de batata para ele!" dizem,'

(101) *hɨd ton hámayáh, hɨd ín b'òtan ham yɨ' mɨ ́ ', "ɨn ín-tẽ ̀ h sud yúwúh!" no yö ́ ́'. hɨd* 3pl *ton-hám-ay-áh,* hold-go-inch-decl *hɨd* 3pl *ʔín* mother *b'òt-an* swidden-dir *ham-yɨʔ-mɨ ́ ʔ, ̀* go-tel-under *ʔɨn* 1pl *ʔín=tẽh=sud ́* mother=offspring=infr *yúw-úh!* dem.itg-decl *no-yö́ʔ.* say-seq

'they took (it) off, while their mother was away in the garden, saying, "It must be our sibling!"'

'eles levaram (o nenê), enquanto que a mãe deles estava na roça, dizendo, "Deve ser o filho de nossa mãe!"'

<sup>24</sup>The children are using these terms of address to each other, as is common in Hup discourse.

### P. Epps, Isabel Salustiano, Jovino Monteiro & Pedro Pires Dias


(106) *Yɨt hɨd nɨ ́ hɨ ́ t yɨ', yɨ ́ t hɨd nɨ ́ hɨ ́ t yɨ', tɨh m'em'em' k'ët k'ö ́ ́'ö́t mah yúp, tɨh pɨb yɨ'ɨ́ h. ́*

*yɨt́* thus *hɨd* 3pl *nɨh-ɨ ́ t=yɨʔ, ́* be.like-obl=adv *yɨt́* thus *hɨd* 3pl *nɨh-ɨ ́ t=yɨʔ, ́* be.like-obl=adv *tɨh* 3sg *m'em'em'-k'ët-k'ö́ʔ-ö́t=mah* weak-stand-go.about-obl=rep *yúp,* dem.itg *tɨh* 3sg *pɨb-yɨʔ-ɨ ́ h. ́* strong-tel-decl

'As they did thus, as they did thus, as it went wobbling about, it's said, it grew strong.'

'Enquanto eles foram assim, foram assim,(o nenê), balançando aqui e lá, dizem, cresceu forte.'

(107) *Yɨ̃nɨhɨy mah yúp, tɨh kädham yɨ'ayáh, tɨh s'äk kädham yɨ ́ 'ayáh, ́ yɨ-nɨh-ɨy=mah ̃* dem.itg-be.like-dynm=rep *yúp,* dem.itg *tɨh* 3sg *kädham-yɨʔ-ay-áh, ́* pass.go-tel-inch-decl *tɨh* 3sg *s'äk-kädham-yɨʔ-ay-áh, ́* jump-pass.go-tel-inch-decl

'As they (playfully pushed the deer) thus, it's said, it took off, it leapt (over them) and took off;'

'Fazendo assim (brincando com o veado), dizem, ele foi embora, pulou (por cima deles) e foi embora,'


'That's what it said: *sẽç! ́* and it took off, it's said.'

'Assim que ele falou: *sẽç! ́* e foi embora, dizem.'


'Eles andavam procurando-o em vão, dizem, essas (crianças), andavam procurando-o em vão, dizem.'

(112) *Hɨd yë yɨ'ayáh, "Hɨn'ɨ ́ h tëg ɨ ̀ n⁈ ɨ ́ n ín ɨ ́ nàn meh të ́ g ɨ ́ nànáh!" no yö ́ ́' mah, hɨd* 3pl *yë-yɨʔ-ay-áh, ́* enter-tel-inch-decl *"Hɨn'ɨh-të ̀ ǵ* what-fut *ʔɨn⁈́* 1pl *ʔɨń* 1pl *ʔín* mother *ʔɨn-àn ́* 1pl-obj *meh-tëǵ* beat-fut *ʔɨn-àn-áh!" ́ no-yö́ʔ=mah,*

1pl-obj-decl say-seq=rep

'They returned home, it's said, saying, "What shall we do⁈ Our mother will beat us!"'

'Eles voltarem, dizem, falando, "Como vamos fazer⁈ Nossa mãe vai nos bater!"'

(113) *tëg sä̀h b'ɨyɨ' mah hɨd mug sud hitab k'ã' yɨ ́ 'ayáh, yúp sákuan b'ay. ́ tëg=sä̀h* wood=charcoal *b'ɨyɨʔ=mah ́* only=rep *hɨd* 3pl *mug-sud-hitab-k'ãʔ-yɨʔ-ay-áh, ́* scoop.by.hand-be.inside-fill-hang-tel-inch-decl *yúp* dem.itg *sáku-an-b'ay.* bag-dir-again 'They filled that sack up with charcoal and hung it up again.'

'Eles encherem o saco com carvão e penduraram de novo.'


'Para lá, dizem, buracos de urumutum, como chamam.'


'Aí, dizem, (a mãe), tendo voltado para a casa, ficou dizendo, "Vocês não têm inteligência!"'

(118) *hɨdàn tɨh sɨwɨp sij d'äh way yɨ ́ 'ɨ́ h, hɨ ́ dàn tɨh méhéway, tɨh in, hɨd ínay. ́ hɨd-àn ́* 3pl-obj *tɨh* 3sg *sɨwɨp-sij-d'äh-way-yɨʔ-ɨ ́ h, ́* whip-scatter-send-go.out-tel-decl *hɨd-àn ́* 3pl-obj *tɨh* 3sg *méh-éw-ay,* beat-flr-inch *tɨh* 3sg *in,* mother *hɨd* 3pl *ʔín-ay.* mother-inch 'She whipped them until they (fled) scattering, she beat them, their mother.'

'Ela os bateu até que eles voaram, espalhando-se, ela os bateu, a mãe.'

(119) *Méhéy këyö́' mah yúp, moytùdd'äh, hɨd hidöhö ham yɨ'ayáh, hɨ ́ d b'ayáh, ́ tɨh tẽhd'äh k'õh ë ́ ̀'d'äh b'ayáh. méh-éy* beat-dynm *këyö́ʔ=mah* cause=rep *yúp,* dem.itg *moytùd=d'äh,* curassow=pl *hɨd* 3pl *hidöhö-ham-yɨʔ-ay-áh, ́* transform-go-tel-inch-decl *hɨd=b'ay-áh, ́* 3pl=again-decl *tɨh* 3sg *tẽh=d'äh ́* offspring=pl *k'õh-ʔë̀ʔ=d'äh=b'ay-áh.* be-pfv=pl=again-decl

'Because she beat them, they transformed into curassows, they did, those who had been her children.'

'Porque ela os bateu, eles se transformaram em urumutuns, eles, os que eram os filhos dela.'

(120) *Hɨdàn tɨh-kë ́ ́sĩy' hũ' sɨ̃wɨ ́ ̃ ́y sud mah hɨd hiníh. ́ hɨd-àn ́* 3pl-obj *tɨh=kë́* 3sg=wing *sĩy'-hũʔ-sɨ̃w-ɨ ́ ̃ ́y=sud=mah* poke.in-finish-compl=infr=rep *hɨd=hin-íh. ́* 3pl=also-decl 'They (other birds) had already filled their wings (with feathers), apparently, it's said.' 'Eles (outros pássaros) já tinham enchido as asas deles (com penas),

(121) *Hũtẽhd'äh nihṹ' mah hɨ ́ dàn kë ́ ́hɨd sĩy'níh. hũtẽh=d'äh ́* bird=pl *ni-hṹʔ=mah* be-finish=rep *hɨd-àn ́* 3pl-obj *kë́* wing *hɨd* 3pl *sĩy'-ní-h.* poke.in-infr2-decl 'All the birds, it's said, filled their wings (with feathers).' 'Todos os pássaros, dizem, encheram as asas deles (com penas).'

parece, dizem.'

7 Hup

(122) *Yúp tɨh kë́sĩy' hũ' yɨ'ɨway k'ṍhṍy nih mah yúp, ́ yúp* dem.itg *tɨh* 3sg *kë́* wing *sĩy'-hũʔ-yɨʔ-ɨw-ay ́* poke.in-finish-tel-flr-inch *k'ṍh-ṍy=nih=mah* be-dynm=emph.co=rep *yúp,* dem.itg 'Thus with their wings already filled up (with feathers),'

'Assim com as asas já preenchidas (com penas),'

(123) *hɨd hin b'ay do'kë ́ y, hɨd ín hɨ ́ dàn meh wɨdyë ́ ë́ t, hɨd do'kë ́ y, hɨd waydö' ́ kädway yɨ'ayáh. ́ hɨd=hin=b'ay ́ do'këy, ́ hɨd ʔín hɨd-àn ́ meh-wɨdyë-ë́ t,́ hɨd*

3pl=also=again correct 3pl mother 3pl-obj beat-arrive.enter-obl 3pl *do'këy, ́ hɨd waydöʔ-kädway-yɨʔ-ay-áh. ́*

correct 3pl fly-pass.go.out-tel-inch-decl

'straightaway, when their mother entered to beat them, straightaway they flew out (of the house).'

'direto, quando a mãe deles entrou para bater neles,eles saíram voando direto (da casa).'

(124) *Hɨdnɨh käwä ̀ ̀gä́t pɨd mah hɨd hɨ' popot nihíh. ́ hɨdnɨh̀* 3pl.poss *käwä̀g-ä́t* eye-obl *pɨd=mah ́* distr=rep *hɨd* 3pl *hɨʔ-popot=nih-íh.* draw-encircle=emph.co-decl 'They (the birds) had also drawn circles around their eyes (as curassows have).'<sup>25</sup>

'Eles (os pássaros) também tinham desenhado círculos ao redor de seus olhos (como têm os urumutuns).'

(125) *Yɨnɨhɨ ́ y mah yup do'kë ́ y hɨd moytùd hɨd hidöhö kädsak yɨ ́ 'ayáh. ́ yɨ-nɨh-ɨ ́ y=mah ́* dem.itg-be.like-dynm=rep *yúp* dem.itg *do'këý* correct *hɨd* 3pl *moytùd* curassow *hɨd* 3pl *hidöhö-kädsak-yɨʔ-ay-áh. ́* transform-pass.climb-tel-inch-decl

'Thus, it's said, straightaway they transformed into curassows and (flew) quickly up.'

'Assim, dizem, transformaram-se imediatamente em urumutuns e subiram (voando).'

<sup>25</sup>The other birds assisted them in their transformation by filling their new wings with feathers and drawing circles around their eyes.


'So like that, it's said, they went scattering off, flew scattering off, it's said.'

'Assim, dizem, eles foram espalhando-se, voaram dispersando-se, dizem.'

(128) *Tã'ã́y mehàn mah tɨh woy ë' yẽhẽ́ h, tã'ã ́ ́yàn mah tɨh hituk hiyet ë' yẽhẽ́ h. ́ tãʔã́y=meh-àn=mah* woman=dim-obj=rep *tɨh* 3sg *woy-ʔëʔ-yẽh-ẽ ́ h, ́* be.stingy-pfv-frust-decl *tãʔã́y-àn=mah* woman-obj=rep *tɨh* 3sg *hi-tuk-hi-yet-ʔëʔ-yẽh-ẽ ́ h. ́* fact-face.down-fact-lie-pfv-frust-decl

'But she (the mother) tried in vain to keep one little girl, she overturned (a basket on the hole to catch) the girl, in vain.'

'Mas ela (a mãe) tentou em vão segurar uma menina, ela virou (um aturá sobre o buraco para pegar) a menina, em vão.'

(129) *Yɨnɨh mɨ ́ ' mah, mɨ ̀ 'ay, s'áh k'öd sö ̀ ́', tɨh hupkäd kädhi nííy yúwúh, yɨ-nɨh́* dem.itg-be.like *mɨʔ=mah, ̀* under=rep *mɨʔ-ay, ̀* under-inch *s'áh* earth *k'öd=sö́ʔ,* inside=loc *tɨh* 3sg *hupkäd-kädhi-ní-íy* turn.around-pass.descend-be-dynm *yúw-úh,* dem.itg-decl

'As she did this, it's said, underneath, inside the hole, she (the child) turned around and quickly descended (digging deeper);'

'Assim, ela fez, dizem, para baixo, dentro do buraco, ela (a menina) virou e desceu rapidamente (cavando mais ainda);'


### P. Epps, Isabel Salustiano, Jovino Monteiro & Pedro Pires Dias

(134) *Yúp mah yúp hɨd ín b'ay ot d'ak k'ö́'öp b'ayáh, bëbë́ɨn notëgë́ h, bëbë ́ ́ɨn notëgë́ h. ́ yúp=mah* dem.itg=rep *yúp* dem.itg *hɨd* 3pl *ʔín=b'ay* mother=again *ʔot-d'ak-k'ö́ʔ-öp=b'ay-áh,* cry-be.against-go.about-dep=again-decl *bëbë́* bird.sp *ʔɨn* 1pl *no-tëg-ë ́ h, ́* sayfut-decl *bëbë́ ʔɨn no-tëg-ë ́ h. ́*

bird.sp 1pl sayfut-decl

'Then, it's said, their mother went following after them crying, like what we call a *bëbë* bird'.

'Aí, dizem, a mãe deles andava atrás, chorando, como o que chamamos de pássaro *bëbë*.'

(135) *Yúp mah yúp tɨh tẽhn'àn tɨh ótayáh. ́*

*yúp=mah* dem.itg=rep *yúp* dem.itg *tɨh* 3sg *tẽh=n'àn ́* offspring=pl.obj *tɨh* 3sg *ʔót-ay-áh.* cry-inch-decl

'So it's said, she (went) crying for her children.'

'Aí, dizem, ela foi chorando por causa dos filhos dela.'

(136) *Tɨh tẽhn'àn tɨh ot ë ́ ' yɨ', "nɨ ́ ̀põ'ra, nɨ̀põ'ra!" tɨh no ë' yɨ ́ ' mah, yúp ɨd ham ́ döhö yɨ'ayáh. ́ tɨh* 3sg *tẽh=n'àn ́* offspring=pl.obj *tɨh* 3sg *ʔot-ʔëʔ=yɨʔ, ́* cry-pfv=adv *"nɨ̀* 1sg.poss *põ'ra,* [offspring.pl] *nɨ̀* 1sg.poss *põ'ra!"* [offspring.pl] *tɨh* 3sg *no-ʔëʔ=yɨʔ=mah, ́* say-pfv=adv=rep *yúp* dem.itg *ʔɨd-ham-döhö-yɨʔ-ay-áh. ́* say-go-transform-tel-inch-decl

'Crying for her children, saying, "My children, my children!" so saying, she transformed (into a *bëbë* bird).'<sup>26</sup>

'Chorando pelos filhos, dizendo, "Meus filhos! meus filhos!" falando assim, ela se transformou (em pássaro *bëbë*).'

<sup>26</sup>This quoted speech combines two languages: the first word ('my') is in Hup, while the second word ('children') is in Tukano. As noted above, this multilingual quotation, together with the compound verb 'say-do-transform' indexes the mother's transformation via the act of crying, i.e. speaking the "language" of the *bëbë* bird.

(137) *Ya'àpay nih s'ã́h yúp ɨdɨwɨ ́ h. ́ yaʔàp-ay=nih* that.much-inch=emph.co *s'ã́h* dst.cntr *yúp* dem.itg *ʔɨd-ɨw-ɨ ́ h. ́* speech-flr-decl 'That's all there is to this tale.' 'Tem só isso nessa fala.'

### **Acknowledgments**

Epps expresses her gratitude to the Hup people of Taracua Igarapé and other communities of the Tiquié River for welcoming her into their homes and villages, and for their ongoing friendship and collaboration. This work was supported by funding from Fulbright-Hayes, National Science Foundation, and the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. Epps also thanks CNPq and FUNAI for the permission to work in the Upper Rio Negro Region, and the Museo Paraense Emilio Goeldi, the Instituto Socioambiental, and FOIRN for practical support in Brazil. Thanks to Tony Woodbury for comments on the text, and to Kristine Stenzel and Bruna Franchetto for the invitation to participate in this volume.

### **Non-standard abbreviations**

Several abbreviations in this list (emph, infr, tag) correspond to more than one morpheme; these cases are distinguished by numbers in the gloss lines (e.g. emph1, emph2)


P. Epps, Isabel Salustiano, Jovino Monteiro & Pedro Pires Dias


### **References**


7 Hup

### **Chapter 8**

## **Sakurabiat**

Ana Vilacy Galucio Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi

Mercedes Guaratira Sakyrabiar

Manoel Ferreira Sakyrabiar

Rosalina Guaratira Sakyrabiar

Olimpio Ferreira Sakyrabiar

### **1 Introduction**

This short narrative is a fragment of a mythological tale that describes the origin of maize and other crops, such as beans and manioc (yucca), among the Sakurabiat people. Sakurabiat is pronounced [sa'kɨrabiat]. In the orthographic convention for the language the grapheme **<u>** represents the hight central vowel **[ɨ]**.The Sakurabiat are very reduced in number. In the last survey done in 2016, there were only 65 people living in the Rio Mekens Indigenous Land.

The *Kõtkõra asisi* story is told by Mercedes Guaratira Sakyrabiar, one of the oldest speakers of Sakurabiat at the time of the recording. Sadly, she passed away in December of 2015. Mercedes's age was not known for certain, but she was believed to be more than 75 years old when she told this story in 2006. The story was recorded in audio as part of a long term project for the documentation and study of the Sakurabiat (Mekens) language, which had partial support from the Endangered Language Documentation Program, funded by the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS).

Transcription and analysis was done by Galucio with the assistance of Rosalina Guaratira Sakyrabiar, Mercedes's daughter, and the two brothers who have

been Galucio's main collaborators in the study of the Sakurabiat language: Manoel Ferreira Sakyrabiar, a very talented man and an enthusiast of the study of his language, who was brutally murdered in 2016, and his younger brother Olimpio Ferreira Sakyrabiar. All three are bilingual speakers of Sakurabiat and Portuguese.

This text is one of the 25 mythological tales, recounted by some of the most distinguished Sakurabiat elders, that appear in the book *Narrativas Tradicionais SAKURABIAT mayãp ebõ* (organized by Galucio 2006). Some of the illustrations used in that book, which were drawn by two Sakurabiat children at the time of publication, Lidia Sakyrabiar and Ozelio Sakyrabiar, are included here.

According to the account given in the narrative, the Sakurabiat were unfamiliar with maize and other edible crops until one day *Arɨkʷajõ* discovered that *Kõtkõra*, a shaman from a neighboring group, had maize. *Arɨkʷajõ* then went to visit that shaman and stole the seeds.

Figure 1: *Arɨkʷajõ* following the black-fronted piping guan bird. Illustration by Lidia Sakyrabiar and Ozélio Sakyrabiar

*Arɨkʷajõ* is the great mythological figure in Sakurabiat traditional stories. He is considered to be the great shaman with vast powers and wisdom. In the mythological narratives, he appears as the creator of many aspects of nature. For instance, he created the mountains and the valleys, and he had water and fire when no one else had them. He is also portrayed as the father of the sun, named *Kiakop* 'our warmth', and the moon, named *Pakori*, and the one responsible for sending them both away from earth as punishment for inappropriate social behavior. *Kiakop*, the sun, had set his sisters on fire, and *Pakori*, the moon, had tricked his sister into having an incestuous sexual relationship with him. In the present narrative *Arɨkʷajõ* is married to his second wife, *Pãrãrẽkosa*.

The other main character in the narrative, *Kõtkõra*, which means 'cicada', is another mythological shaman, apparently from a distinct ethnic mythological group. *Kõtkõra*'s group had edible crops that *Arɨkʷajõ*'s people, the Sakurabiat, did not have.

The fragment of the story analyzed here focuses on how, after noticing that a black-fronted piping guan bird was defecating corn, *Arɨkʷajõ* followed the bird to find out where it was eating corn. When he discovered that it was at *Kõtkõra*'s village, he visited the other shaman's house with the intent to get corn for himself and his family. Thus, despite being well received by *Kõtkõra*, *Arɨkʷajõ* used his special powers to steal the seeds from *Kõtkõra*'s house. After bringing the crops to his village, and starting to make his food from maize and yucca, he changed his children's teeth, adapting them to their new condition of eating crops rather than stones. That is, since they no longer had to eat stones and wild seeds, they could have softer teeth, teeth that would fall out, eventually. The complete narrative recalls the first meeting of these two shamans and how both ended up having crops to eat. After *Arɨkʷajõ* was received in *Kõtkõra*'s house, he took seeds for his village, but did not destroy *Kõtkõra*'s fields. Thus, it is a mythological tale that touches upon relationships of hospitality and rivalry among neighbors.

Figure 2:The arrival at *Kõtkõra*'s house. Illustration by Lidia Sakyrabiar and Ozélio Sakyrabiar

The language of the Sakurabiat people has been traditionally referred to in the literature as "Mekens". In more recent years, it has also been referred to as Sakurabiat in an attempt to acknowledge the self denomination of the group, and we adopt this name in this work, to refer to the language, one of the five surviving languages of the Tuparian branch of the large Tupian family.

### A. Galucio, M. G. Sakyrabiar, M. F. Sakyrabiar, R. Sakyrabiar & O. Sakyrabiar

The Tupian family is composed of ten subfamilies (Rodrigues 1985), which include about 40-45 languages that are spread throughout the Amazon (Moore, Galucio & Gabas Júnior 2008). Alongside Sakurabiat, the other four languages of the Tuparian branch are: Akuntsú, Makurap, Tupari, and Wayoro. All five languages are spoken in the state of Rondônia, in the northwestern part of Brazil, near the Brazil-Bolivia border, and they are all highly endangered due to the greatly reduced number of speakers. According to information collected in 2016, from Galucio's field work and from colleagues working with these specific languages, Tupari has about 300 speakers, Makurap has about 55-60 speakers, Akuntsú only 4, and Wayoro just 3 speakers. Sakurabiat has about 16 speakers, and they are all adults.

Figure 3: The Rio Mekens Indigenous Land, where the Sakurabiat live in the Brazilian state of Rondônia, is shown in yellow.

### 8 Sakurabiat

It is noteworthy that the current state of Rondônia houses representatives of six of the ten Tupian subfamilies, including five that are spoken exclusively there: Arikém, Puruborá, Mondé, Ramarama, and Tupari. The other five subfamilies are Juruna, Munduruku, Mawé, Aweti, and Tupi-Guarani, which is the largest and most widespread of the Tupian subfamilies.

Sakurabiat is a typical Tupian language. It is a primarily suffixing language, but it also has a few prefixes, such as the pronominal person markers and valence changing morphemes (causative and intransitivizer). The language shows a head-marking profile, with locus of morphosyntactic marking on the head of the phrase. In clauses, the syntactic functions of subject and object are marked on the verb rather than on the nominal arguments. In simple transitive clauses with nominal arguments, both noun phrases tend to precede the verb, following basic SOV order. There are three types of lexical verbs: intransitive, transitive, and uninflectible or particle verbs. Transitive and intransitive verbs take person agreement and TAM inflectional markers. Only one argument is indexed on the verb by means of person prefixes. The intransitive verb indexes the subject and the transitive verb indexes the object. The particle verbs do not inflect in that way. In order to take person and TAM inflection, they undergo derivation via the verb formatives (*-ka*, *-kwa*, *e-*), which give as output transitive or intransitive verb stems.

Based on the distribution of the person markers, the morphosyntactic alignment can be described as nominative-absolutive in simple main clauses, as proposed for some Cariban and Northern Jê languages by Gildea & de Castro Alves (2010). The set of prefixes marks the absolutive argument (S/P), while the set of free pronouns expresses the nominative (A/S). In the case of transitive verbs, pronominal subjects obligatorily occur as free pronouns, except for third person, which can be left unmarked. With intransitive verbs, on the other hand, free pronouns are optionally used, co-occurring with the subject verb agreement markers. For its part, the O argument is never expressed by a free pronoun. For an overall description of Sakurabiat verb agreement and argument structure, see Galucio (2014).

Auxiliaries also show person agreement and TAM inflections. Person indexation on auxiliaries follows a nominative pattern, always indexing the clause subject (A or S). Auxiliaries and demonstratives are positional roots that indicate the body posture of the subject, in the case of auxiliaries, and of the referent, in the case of demonstratives. In addition to the positional demonstratives, there is a series of discourse anaphoric demonstratives or proforms that are used to replace a syntactic unit: they can replace a syntactic phrase, an entire clause, or even larger stretches of discourse.

### A. Galucio, M. G. Sakyrabiar, M. F. Sakyrabiar, R. Sakyrabiar & O. Sakyrabiar

Nominalization is the main strategy used to form adverbial (temporal, conditional, causal, and final) clauses in Sakurabiat (Galucio 2011). The adverbial modification is encoded by a nominalized verb form (with the nominalizer *-ap* 'instrumental; circumstantial') or one of the demonstrative proforms followed by a postposition. The ablative postposition *eri* is used for causal clauses, and the locative postposition *ese* for temporal/conditional and also some causal clauses.

Three dialects have been identified for Sakurabiat: Guaratira, which is the one spoken by the narrator of this story, Siokweriat, and Sakurabiat/Guarategayat. The major differences among them are phonological and lexical.

The *Kõtkõra asisi* story is transcribed phonetically in the first line, and segmented phonologically and morphologically in the second line. There is nasal harmony inside the word in Sakurabiat. Nasality spreads rightwards from a nasal consonant or vowel, and is blocked only by an obstruent in onset position. Thus, in the second line, only the underlying nasal element is indicated as being nasal. The third line gives a morpheme-by-morpheme gloss. English and Portuguese free translations are given in the fourth and fifth lines. The Portuguese translation attempts to maintain in as much as possible the structure of the original Sakurabiat narrative.

### **2 Kõtkõra asisi**

*'Kõtkõra's* **corn' or 'The origin of maize and other crops among the Sakurabiat people'**

**'O milho do** *Kõtkõra***' ou 'A origem do milho e outras plantas entre o povo Sakurabiat'**<sup>1</sup>

(1) *Arɨkʷajõ asisi aapi ara sekoa kõnkõrã tegeri.*

*arɨkʷajõ* Arɨkʷajõ *asisi* corn *aapi* crop.seed *at-a* get-thv *se-ko-a* 3cor-aux.mov-thv *kõtkõra* cicada *tek=eri* house=abl '*Arɨkʷajõ* got corn seed from *Kõtkõrã*'s house.'

'*Arɨkʷajõ* arrumou semente de milho na casa da Cigarra.'

<sup>1</sup>Recordings of this story are available from https://zenodo.org/record/997447

8 Sakurabiat

(2) *Kʷako sejẽrora ek piitse.*

*kʷako* black-fronted.piping.guan *se-jẽt* 3cor-feces *ot-a* leave-thv *ek* house *pi=ese* inside=loc 'The black-fronted piping guan bird<sup>2</sup> (that was around) defecated inside the house.'

'Jacutinga (filhote de jacutinga que estava andando por lá) defecou dentro da casa.'

(3) *Pɨ ke itoa*<sup>3</sup> *enĩĩtse.*

> *pɨ* lying *ke* dem *i-to-a* 3sg-aux.lie-thv *eni=ese* hammock=loc 'He (*Arɨkʷajõ*) was there just lying in the hammock.' 'E ele (*Arɨkʷajõ*) estava lá deitado na rede.'

(4) *Sete itsoa ajẽẽri te kẽrã atsitsi ko?*

*sete* 3sg *i-so-a* 3sg-see-thv *a-jẽ=eri* q-dem.prox=abl *te* foc *kẽrã* nassert *asisi* corn *ko* ingest '(Then) he looked, (and thought): "Where does he (the bird) eat corn?"' 'Aí ele olhou (e pensou): "Aonde será que ele come milho?"'

(5) *Sitõm*<sup>4</sup> *nẽ pa õt, otagiat.*

*s-itõp* 3sg-follower *ne* cop *pa* fut *õt* 1sg *o-tag-iat* 1sg-daughter-col 'Then (he said to this daughters): "I will follow him, my daughters."' 'Aí (falou pras filharadas): "Eu vou atrás dele, minhas filhas."'

<sup>2</sup>The black-fronted piping guan bird (*Aburria jacutinga*) is a large bird that is easily identified, since in almost all its area of occurrence it is the only cracid with a white spot on the wing. Its scientific name comes from *burria, aburri, aburria* = Colombian Amerindian onomatopoeic name for birds generally called *jacu*; and from Old Tupi *jacú* = Jacu, and *tinga* = white, in reference to the head, nape and wings of this bird that has feathers with white coloration (http://www.wikiaves.com.br/jacutinga).

<sup>3</sup>The third person singular prefix has two allomorphs: *i-* before consonant-initial stems; and *s*before vowel-initial stems.

<sup>4</sup> *-itõp* is an adjective root that is reported by Sakurabiat speakers to mean something like 'the follower, the one that follows someone or something, the one that accompanies someone'.

A. Galucio, M. G. Sakyrabiar, M. F. Sakyrabiar, R. Sakyrabiar & O. Sakyrabiar

(6) *Soa kot kaap*<sup>5</sup> *te pekaat soa kot.*

> *so-a* see-thv *kot* im.fut *kaap* qot *te* foc *pe=kaat* obl=dem *so-a* see-thv *kot* im.fut '"I will look to see, I will look at that."' '"Eu vou atrás pra ver."'

(7) *Pia*<sup>6</sup> *setoa õẽm te kʷako setset nẽãrã.*

> *pia* wait *se-to-a* 3cor-aux.lie-thv *õẽp* already *te* foc *kʷako* black-fronted.piping.guan *se-set* 3cor-leave *neara* again 'He (*Arɨkʷajõ*) stayed there waiting for the black-fronted piping guan bird to come back.'

'Ele (*Arɨkʷajõ*) ficou esperando esse jacu para poder ver a hora que ele ia de novo lá (comer).'

(8) *Atɨ*<sup>7</sup> *sete sitõmnã tõpnã sekoa pɨbot Kõnkõrã taap.*<sup>8</sup>

*atɨ* intj *sete* 3sg *s-itõp=na* 3sg-follower=vblz *tõp=na* follower=vblz *se-ko-a* 3cor-aux.mov-thv *pɨbot* arrive *kõtkõra taap*

cicada village

'Poor guy, he followed him all the way until he arrived at *Kõtkõrã*'s (Cicada's) village.' (*Arɨkʷajõ* followed the bird all the way to *Kõtkõra*'s house)

'Aí ele coitado acompanhou (o jacu), acompanhou, acompanhou até que chegou na casa da Cigarra.'

<sup>5</sup>There are two third person quotative forms: *kaap* and *kaat*. The quotative in combination with the immediate future morpheme *kot* derives a desiderative clause. Desideratives are grammaticalizing as future. The quotative form *kaat* is also homophonous to the demonstrative *kaat*, a proform that is used anaphorically to replace a stretch of discourse.

<sup>6</sup> *pia* 'wait' is the form in the Guaratira and Siokweriat dialects. It corresponds to *pisa* in the Sakurabiat dialect.

<sup>7</sup> *atɨ* is an interjection used as a negative exclamation expressing an emotional reaction, such as negative astonishment or bewilderment. It does not form a syntactic constituent to the rest of the sentence. It can be translated sometimes as 'pitied guy' or 'pitied thing'. It is used to cast doubt about the proposition that one considers to be unlikely or absurd. For instance, if someone says to you *osera kot ameko miapna* 'I'm going over there to kill a jaguar', you can respond with *atɨ nop* 'Poor you, no (you won't).'

<sup>8</sup> *taap* is a word that has several meanings, it could be translated as either 'village' or 'house', but it contrasts with the regular word for house, which is *ek*.

8 Sakurabiat

(9) *Kerep itegõ*<sup>9</sup> *kõjẽ siko õpinã.*

*kerep* enter *i-tek=õ* 3sg-house=dat *kõjẽ* sit *s-iko* 3sg-food *õp-pit=na* give-nmlz=vblz 'He (*Arɨkʷajõ*) entered the house, sat himself down, and was given food.' '(*Arɨkʷajõ*) entrou na casa, sentou, aí começaram dar comida pra ele comer.'

(10) *Kõjẽ poget kop.*

*kõjẽ* sit *poget* standing *kop* aux.mov 'He sat down, then got up, and stayed around there.' 'Ele sentou, depois levantou, ficou por ali.'

(11) *Ma te kẽrã eke aose setserara, ke te Kõnkõrã tagiat.*

*ma* when *te* foc *kẽra* nassert *eke* dem.n *aose* man *se-set-a-ra* 3cor-leave-thv-rep *ke* dem *te* foc *Kõtkõra* cicada *tak-iat* daughter-col

'"When is that man leaving?" said *Kõtkõrã*'s daughters.'

'"É esse homem não vai não embora, não, será?" Assim que a filharada do *Kõtkõra* falou.'

(12) *Teeri ka aotse atsitsi 'ara nããn kop.*

*te-eri* 3sg=abl *ka* move *aose* man *asisi* corn *'at-a* get-thv *naat* cop *kop* aux.mov 'Through his mind, the man is carrying off the corn.' (Lit. 'It comes from him, the man is taking the corn.')

'Ele no pensamento dele tá carregando milho.'

<sup>9</sup>The dative postposition has two allomorphs: *õ* after consonant-final stems; and *bõ* after vowelfinal stems. This postposition has a meaning that is broader than the usual datives. It can express the indirect object, but also the instrumental, the general locative, and the temporal locative.

### A. Galucio, M. G. Sakyrabiar, M. F. Sakyrabiar, R. Sakyrabiar & O. Sakyrabiar

(13) *Tapsɨrõ i'ara atsitsibõ i'ara arakʷibõ i'ara komatabõ i'ara kaat naat kop aose.*

*tapsɨt=bõ* yucca=dat *i-'at-a* 3sg-get-thv *asisi=bõ* corn=dat *i-'at-a* 3sg-get-thv *arakʷi=bõ* peanut=dat *i-'at-a* 3sg-get-thv *komata=bõ* beans=dat *i-'at-a* 3sg-get-thv *kaat* dem *naat* cop *kop* aux.mov *aose* man

'He got manioc, corn, peanuts, beans, he stayed there doing that (taking everything), the man (i.e., *Arɨkʷajõ*).'

'Levou mandioca, milho, amendoim, feijão, ficou carregando tudo, o homem.'

(14) *Poret õẽm 'arabetse set nẽãrã.*

*poret* now *õẽp* already *'ar-ap=ese* get-nmlz=loc *set* leave *neara* again 'Then, when he had already got it all, he left again.' 'Aí quando já tinha carregado tudo, ele foi embora de novo.'

(15) *Pɨbot nẽãrã setoabõ.*<sup>10</sup>

*pɨbot* arrive *neara* again *se-top-ap=õ* 3cor-lying.down-nmlz=dat 'He arrived again at his own hammock.' 'E chegou na sua rede (na casa dele) novamente.'

(16) *Tamõ'ẽm porẽtsopega*<sup>11</sup> *petsetagiat:*

*ta=bõ='ẽp* dem.stand=dat=emph *porẽsopeg-a* ask-thv *pe=se-tak-iat* obl=3cor-daughter-col 'He just got there and asked his daughters:' 'Entrou, foi direto perguntar pra filharada dele:'

<sup>10</sup>The word *toap* 'hammock' is a derived noun, formed by the auxiliary root *top* 'aux.lie' plus the circumstantial nominalizer *-ap*; the final *-p* is deleted before the vowel *-a*: *top+ap* → *toap*. <sup>11</sup>We have not been able to do a morphological analysis of the word *porẽsopega* 'ask', but it is clearly a complex word, where it is possible to identify the root *pek* 'call'. Monomorphemic words in Sakurabiat are usually shorter than four syllables.

8 Sakurabiat

(17) *Aeke te ejatsi?*

*a-eke* q-dem.n *te* foc *ejat-si* 2pl-mother '"Where is your mother?"' '"Para onde foi a mãe de vocês?"'

(18) *Osesi jãõmõ ka te ikãw taaga kit ara naat te kijkona taaga kit ara.*

*ose-si* 1pl.excl-mother *jãõ=bõ* dem.dist=dat *ka* move *te* foc *ikão* dem.time *taaga* walking.palm *kit* seed *at-a* get-thv *naat* cop *te* foc *ki-iko=na* 1pl.incl-food=vblz *taaga* walking.palm *kit* seed *at-a* get-thv '"Our mother went over there at that time to get walking palm's seed for us to eat, get walking palm's seed," (they replied).'<sup>12</sup>

'"Nossa mãe foi por ali, buscar caroço de paxiúba pra nós comermos."'

(19) *Poret ejarora*<sup>13</sup> *ipegara taaga kit aratkʷa nõm pegat.*<sup>14</sup>

*poret* now *ejat-ot-a* 2pl-leave-thv *i-pek-a-ra* 3sg-call--thv-rep *taaga* walking.palm *kit* seed *at-a-t-kʷa* get-thv-pst-pl.ev *nop* neg *pegat* irr.fut

'"Then, go call her, it is no longer necessary to bring walking palm seed" (*Arɨkʷajõ* told his daughters).'

'Aí (*Arɨkʷajõ* disse:) "Vão chamar ela, não era pra trazer mais semente de paxiúba, não."'

(20) *Kiopap ta eba jẽ ẽma kaareri imãã ke te kɨape, kieba mõtkʷa ke te sɨraamnã.*<sup>15</sup>


<sup>12</sup>The walking palm tree (*Socratea exorrhiza*) is known as *paxiúba* in Brazil. Its seeds are not edible.

<sup>13</sup>Sakurabiat has two types of hortative constructions. The first type uses the special hortative verb *soga* following the lexical verb. The other type of hortative construction, illustrated in this example, uses the verb *ot* 'leave, go' prefixed by either first person plural or second person (plural) subject agreement, followed by the lexical verb.

<sup>14</sup>The irrealis future morpheme *pegat* seems to be a complex form that contains the morpheme *pek* 'fut' plus an allomorph of the past tense morpheme -(*a*)*t*.

### A. Galucio, M. G. Sakyrabiar, M. F. Sakyrabiar, R. Sakyrabiar & O. Sakyrabiar

*ke* dem *te* foc *ki-ɨape* 1pl.incl-our.beverage *kieba* tuber *mot-kʷa* make-pl.ev *ke* dem *te* foc *sɨraap=na massaco*=vblz '"Our corn is here, make our beverage from it, and prepare the manioc to make (our) *massaco*."'<sup>16</sup>

'"Nosso milho tá aqui pra fazer nossa chicha, e amassar macaxeira pra fazer massaco."'

(21) *Ikʷaksoa te itagiat sɨrɨk=nẽ'ẽp pɨbot.*

*i-kʷak-so-a* 3sg-sound-see-thv *te* foc *i-tak-iat* 3sg-daughter-col *sɨrɨk=ne='ẽp* go.pl.sbj=?=emph *pɨbot* arrive 'They heard him, the daughters, then they left, went straight there and arrived (where their mother was).'

'Escutaram o que ele falou, as filhas. Aí saíram foram até lá (onde a mãe estava).'

(22) *Akʷa kɨp perek piora nããn kop.*

*akʷa cará*<sup>17</sup> *kɨp* stick *perek* long *piora* dig *naat* cop *kop* aux.mov 'She was digging for wild *cará* tubers.'<sup>18</sup> 'Ela estava cavando cará do mato.'

(23) *Abitop*<sup>19</sup> *epegarat, osi.*

*abi-top* father-father *e-pek-a-ra-t* 2sg-call-thv-rep-pst *o-si* 1sg-mother

'"Our father called you, mother."'

'"Nosso pai te chamou, mamãe."'

<sup>15</sup>Two pieces of information are necessary here. First, the words *ma* and *mot(kwa)* are synonymous, both translate as 'make, prepare, build'. The root *mot* is generally used with the verb formative suffix *-kwa* that is also a marker of event plurality. Secondly, the noun *kieba* is a general word that can refer to any type of edible tuber, either manioc (yucca), sweet potato, *cará*, etc.

<sup>16</sup>*Massaco* is a Portuguese word used to describe a dish that is made with cooked banana or yucca, pounded with a pestle. This dish is very popular among the Sakurabiat.

<sup>17</sup>*akwa 'cará*' is a cultivated type of tuber. The wild, uncultivated *cará* is called *akwa kup perek* because is elongated (stick-like), unlike the cultivated one, which is more round.

<sup>18</sup>This sentence is translated in the past tense, to agree with the rest of the text. However, the auxiliary form *kop* is the present tense form; the past tense form would be *koa*.

<sup>19</sup>This form is the special vocative for father for female egos. It combines the vocative *abi* 'my father' for male egos, and the referential stem *-top* 'father'.

8 Sakurabiat

(24) *Kɨape mã ke te kiopaberi ita kaat ikãw.*

*ki-ɨape* 1pl.incl-beverage *ma* make *ke* dem *te* foc *ki-opap=eri* 1pl.incl-corn=abl *i-ta* 3sg-aux.stand *kaat* qot *ikão* dem.time

'"(Call her) to make our *chicha*<sup>20</sup> from our corn here, that (is what he) said at that time."'

'"(Chama ela) pra fazer chicha pra nós, do nosso milho que tá aqui." Assim (ele disse) àquela hora.'

(25) *Kieba mõtkʷa sɨraapnã kaat ikãw.*

*kieba* tuber *mot-kʷa* make-pl.ev *sɨraap=na massaco*=vblz *kaat* qot *ikão* dem.time

'"To prepare manioc to make *massaco*," that (is what he) said at that time.' '"Pra amassar macaxeira pra fazer massaco." Assim ele disse àquela hora.'

(26) *Erek tɨɨnã sitoabip etoabip tõẽn, ejattaɨbiat sara, aose igorerõp sete.*

*erek* speak *tɨɨ=na* intj=cop *s-itoabip* 3sg-cultivated.field *e-toabip* 2sg-cultivated.field *tõet* dub *ejat-taɨp-iat* 2pl-son-col *sara* pitied *aose* man *igot-e-rõp* possessor-?-neg *sete* 3sg

'She said: "Poor bastard, I doubt he has a crop. You poor children, he is a man who has nothing."' (Lit. 'She said: "Pitied one, I doubt his crop (exists). Poor people of your children, this man has nothing."')

'Aí ela falou: "Esse coitado aí, plantação dele! Plantou nada! Coitados dos filhos de vocês, esse aí é homem que não tem nada."'

(27) *Arẽm sɨrɨk nẽãrã te itagiat.*

*arẽp* then *sɨrɨk* go.pl.sbj *neara* again *te* foc *i-tak-iat* 3sg-daughter-col 'They went again, his daughters.'

'Foram embora de novo, as filhas dele.'

<sup>20</sup>*Chicha* is a regional word in Brazilian Portuguese to refer to a fermented beverage. This beverage, which is very popular among several indigenous groups in Amazonia, can be made out of corn, yucca or any other kind of tuber.

(28) *Kaap tẽẽn te otsetsi.*

*kaap* dem *tẽet* only *te* foc *ose-si* 1pl.excl-mother

'"Mom said just that." (And, thus, the daughters told their father what their mother had said.)'

'"Mamãe disse assim." (Assim as filhas contaram pro pai o que a mãe falara.)'

(29) *Ke ebõ te setaɨpkʷa paat te.*

*ke* dem *ebõ* really *te* foc *se-taɨp-kʷa* 3cor-get.calm-vblz *paat* fut.3 *te* foc '"It is like that now (she is angry at me), but she'll calm down."' '"Só agorinha que tá assim (brava comigo), vai se amansar."'

(30) *Setoorekʷa mãjã ikoop sete.*

*se-toorekʷa* 3cor-laugh *maj-a* tell-thv *i-koop* 3sg-aux.mov *sete* 3sg '"She is still going to laugh," he (said).' (That is what *Arɨkʷajõ* thought about his wife.) '"Ela ainda vai dar risada." Ele disse.'

(31) *Pia setoa arẽm te aramĩrã 'ibat nẽãrã.*

*pia* wait *se-to-a* 3cor-aux.lie-thv *arẽp* then *te* foc *aramira* woman *'ip-a-t* come-thv-pst *neara* again 'He stayed there waiting, then the woman came back again.' 'Ele ficou esperando, aí a mulher chegou de novo.'

(32) *Taibap sekẽrẽkʷa saraka te Pãrãrẽkotsa. taib-ap* gentle-neg *se-e-kẽrẽ-kʷa* 3cor-intrvz-angry-vblz *sara-ka* pitied-vblz *te* foc *Pãrarekosa* Pãrarekosa 'She was angry, poor *Pãrarekosa*.' 'Estava brava, coitada dela, a *Pãrarekosa*.'

8 Sakurabiat

(33) *Poget kop peropka pe akʷa kɨp perek*

*poget* standing *kop* aux.mov *perop-ka* cooked-vblz *pe=akʷa* obl=*cará kɨp* stick *perek* long 'She stayed there, and then went to cook wild *cará* tubers.' 'Ficou por aí, e foi cozinhar cará do mato.'

(34) *Kaa kaat ebõ nã sekoa ɨmẽ.*

*ko-a* ingest-thv *kaat* dem *ebõ=na* really=vblz *se-ko-a* 3cor-aux.mov-thv *'ɨme* dark 'She ate, and stayed there the way she was (angry), until it got dark.' 'Comeu, ficou por ali assim (brava mesmo), até que escureceu.'

(35) *Era kʷirik poret.*

*et-a* sleep-thv *kʷirik* clear *poret* now 'Then it dawned.'<sup>21</sup> 'Aí amanheceu.'

(36) *Ejarɨape kaabõpkʷa*<sup>22</sup> *kot.*

*ejat-ɨape* 2pl-beverage *kaabõp-kʷa* bless;heal-pl.ev *kot* im.fut

'(After that *Arɨkʷajõ* came and said to his children:) '"I will cure your beverage."'

'(Aí *Arɨkʷajõ* veio e disse:) "Vou curar a chicha de vocês."'

(37) *Ko soga!*

*ko* ingest *soga* hort '"You can drink! Drink!"'

'"Pode beber! Bebe!"'

<sup>21</sup>*era kʷirik*, which literally means 'sleep and clear' is the expression used to announce that the day dawned, and also to count how many nights/days have passed, in an iterative way. Thus, to say something like 'two days after' one would say *era kʷirik era kʷirik*.

<sup>22</sup>The consultant that was helping with translation and morphemic analysis explained that the verb form should be *kaabõa*, not *kaabõp*, but he could not explain why. We chose to keep the form that was given by the narrator.

A. Galucio, M. G. Sakyrabiar, M. F. Sakyrabiar, R. Sakyrabiar & O. Sakyrabiar

(38) *Ejatjãj sɨgɨka kotke*<sup>23</sup> *õn.*

*ejat-jãj* 2pl-tooth *sɨgɨ-ka* drop-vblz *kot=ke=õt* im.fut=qot=1sg '"I am going to make your teeth fall out."' '"Eu vou fazer o dente de vocês cair tudo."'

(39) *Kaabõ'ẽm sɨgɨ tejatjãj.*

*kaap* dem *õ'ẽp* already *sɨgɨ* drop *te-jat-jãj* 3sg-col-tooth 'It happened really that way, their teeth fell out.' 'Fez mesmo, caiu todos os dentes delas.'

(40) *Pẽrãm te otagiat ejariko pek.*

*pẽt-ap* hard-nmlz *te* foc *o-tak-iat* 1sg-daughter-col *e-jat-iko* 2sg-col-food *pek* fut '"It won't be hard, your food, my daughters."' (This sentence continues the speech of *Arɨkʷajõ* to his children.) '"Não vai ser duro, minhas filhas, a comida de vocês."'

(41) *Kaanã'ẽp poret kap kapnã te kijãj pogeri poret.*

*kaat=na='ẽp* dem=vblz=emph *poret* now *ko-ap* ingest-nmlz *ko-ap=na* ingest-nmlz=vblz *te* foc *ki-jãj* 1pl.incl-tooth *poget=i* standing=aux.pl *poret* now

'They stayed that way, our teeth, in order for us to eat.' (Lit. 'They became that way in order to be (our) eating instrument, our teeth stayed that way.')

'Ficou assim mesmo pra ser aquilo com que se come, os nossos dentes ficaram assim.'

<sup>23</sup>The first and second person desiderative construction is formed with a combination of the immediate future morpheme plus the quotative morpheme for first and second persons (*kot+ke* 'im.fut + qot'= desiderative).

8 Sakurabiat

(42) *Kaannã*<sup>24</sup> *te te kijãj ipẽnnã kenõm.*

*kaat=na* dem=vblz *te* really *te* foc *ki-jãj* 1pl.incl-tooth *i-pẽt=na* 3sg-hard=vblz *ke* dem *nop* neg 'That's why our teeth are not hard,' (Lit. 'In being that way really, our teeth are not hard.') 'Por isso que o nosso dente (de hoje em dia) nao é duro.'

(43) *Sesɨgɨka kʷaap tẽẽn.*

*se-sɨgɨ-ka* 3cor-drop-vblz *kʷaap* hab *tẽet* only 'They just drop out (and grow again).' 'Só cai (e nasce de novo).'

(44) *Kɨrɨt sĩit jãj etsɨgɨka.*

*kɨrɨt* child *sĩit* dim *jãj* tooth *e-sɨgɨ-ka* intrvz-drop-vblz '(That's why) kids' teeth drop out.' '(Por isso que agora) dente de criança cai tudo.'

(45) *Kekʷaap nããm*<sup>25</sup> *tẽẽn.*

*Ke* dem *kʷaap=na-ap* hab=vblz-nmlz *tẽet* only

'It is always just that way.' ('The cycle keeps repeating itself, it is always like that.')

'É todo tempo só assim.'

(46) *ke te kijãj.*

*ke* dem *te* foc *ki-jãj* 1pl.incl-tooth 'That's how our teeth are.' 'É assim nosso dente.'

<sup>24</sup>One of the morphosyntactic strategies to express causal adverbial clauses in Sakurabiat is to use a derived verb phrase formed by the anaphoric demonstrative *kaat* with the verbalizer *nã* (see Galucio (2011), for a thorough discussion of adverbial clauses in Sakurabiat.)

<sup>25</sup>It is possible to delete the nominalizer morpheme *-ap*, with no apparent change in meaning. The consultant said that another way of saying the same thing was *kekwaapnã tẽet*.


*kʷeet* thing *piro* exist *ki-i-ko* 1pl.incl-obj.nmlz-ingest *pek* fut *kɨrep ̃* now 'And that's how it appeared the things that we eat.' 'Assim que apareceram as coisas de comer.'

(49) *Kaap te eba nããriat.*

*kaap* dem *te* foc *eba* evid *naat=iat* cop=rem.pst '(But) that's how it was at those times.' 'Mas era assim antigamente.'

(50) *Kõnkõrãrõpnã arobõ te atsitsi nããn eteet.*

*kõtkõra-rop=na* cicada-neg=vblz *arop-õ* thing-neg *te* foc *asisi* corn *naat* cop *eteet* hyp

'If it were not for *Kõtkõra*, there would be nothing, no corn. (All edible things were first planted by *Kõtkõra*, who was also a shaman).' 'Se não fosse *Kõtkõra*, não tinha nada, não tinha milho, não. (Tudo foi *Kõtkõra* quem plantou, ele era *kwamoa* ('pajé') também.)'

(51) *Asisirõp.*

*asisi-rõp* corn-neg '(There would be) no corn.' 'Não tinha milho.'

(52) *Arobõ te piro tapsɨt akʷa kʷaako piroap.*

*arop-õ* thing-neg *te* foc *piro* exist *tapsɨt* yucca *akʷa cará kʷaako* sweet.potato *piro-ap* exist-neg 'There wouldn't be anything, no yucca, no *cará* tuber, no sweet potato.' 'Não tinha nada, nem mandioca, nem cará, nem batata, não tinha nada.'

8 Sakurabiat

(53) *Arɨkʷajõ ekap sigot nẽnõã.*

*arɨkʷajõ* Arɨkʷajõ *ekap* sbjv *s-igot* 3sg-possessor *ne=no-a* cop=neg-thv 'If it were up to *Arɨkʷajõ*, he wouldn't own anything.' '*Arɨkʷajõ* não tinha nada.'

(54) *Sigot tɨɨɨ nẽnõã.*

*s-igot* 3sg-possessor *tɨɨ* intj *ne=no-a* cop=neg-thv 'He possessed nothing.' 'Ele não tinha nada, não.'

(55) *Kʷai mariko kɨpkɨba 'a mariko*<sup>26</sup> *sete.*

*kʷai* stone *mat* ? *i-ko* obj.nmlz-ingest *kɨpkɨba* tree *'a* fruit *mat* ? *i-ko* obj.nmlz-ingest *sete* 3sg 'He only eats stone and fruit (as if he were not human).' (Lit. 'Stone is what he eats, and fruit is what he eats.') 'Comida dele é pedra, é fruta de pau (como se não fosse gente).'

(56) *Aose eteet.*

*aose* man *eteet* hyp 'If it were not for this man (*Kõtkõrã*), (there would be nothing.)' 'Se não fosse esse homem (*Kõtkõra*), (não teria nada mesmo, não.)'

(57) *Õẽm.*

*õẽp* already 'It's finished.' 'Acabei.'

<sup>26</sup>The expression N *mariko* is used when you want to refer to something that is someone's preferred choice of food. For instance, *Kwe mariko õrõn.* 'I only like to eat game meat.'/ 'I only eat game meat.' (*kwe* 'game meat' – *mat* (?) – *i-ko* 'obj.nmlz-ingest' – *õr-õn* 1sg-emph).

Figure 4: The old and the newly acquired crops. Illustration by Lidia Sakyrabiar and Ozélio Sakyrabiar

### **Acknowledgments**

Galucio would like to acknowledge the continued support of the Sakurabiat people, especially the elders who shared the wonders of their traditional narratives, and her collaborators in this article. A special token of gratitute goes to the late Mercedes Guaratira Sakyrabiar and Manoel Ferreira Sakyrabiar, *in memoriam*. Manoel was a very good friend, and an enthusiast and great supporter of the study of Sakurabiat. Dona Mercedes was not only a supporter but also a grandmother figure in all the visits to the Sakurabiat village. They are both greatly missed. We thank Ana Carolina Alves for helping with the audio files, Ellison Santos for helping with the figures, and Hein van der Voort for facilitating permission of the map. The present work was carried out with the support of CNPq, the National Council of Scientific and Technological Development, Brazil (Process number 308286/2016-2).


### **Non-standard abbreviations**

### **References**


## **Part III**

## **Ancestors and tricksters**

### **Chapter 9**

## **Kĩsêdjê**

Rafael Nonato UMass Amherst, USA

Kujusi Suyá

Jamthô Suyá

Kawiri Suyá

### **1 Introduction**

In this narrative, an ancestor of the Kĩsêdjê goes hunting and kills a monkey up in a tree. He climbs up the tree to fetch it and when he comes down, the monster *Khátpy* is already waiting for him. *Khátpy* hits him unconscious and puts him in a basket to carry home and feed to his hungry children. Stopping mid-way to open a trail in the forest, *Khátpy* leaves the basket on the ground unattended. When he finishes cutting part of the trail open, he comes back, fetches the basket and carries it up to the end of the trail. He repeats this process a few times until the Kĩsêdjê ancestor wakes up and realizes what is happening. The ancestor quietly waits for the monster to leave the basket unattended again and counts the time it takes for the monster to come back. *Khátpy* comes back, fetches the basket and carries it up to the end of the trail. He then leaves the basked unattended once more to continue opening the trail. The ancestor then comes out of the basket but, before running away, he fills it with rocks so the monster won't realize he has escaped. Though *Khátpy* feels that the basket has become heavier, he still carries it home without checking its contents. When he arrives home, his wives tell him there are only rocks and a few monkeys in the basket, but none of the big prey *Khátpy* claims he's killed. Enraged, *Khátpy* fetches his club and goes

Rafael Nonato, Kujusi Suyá, Jamthô Suyá & Kawiri Suyá. 2017. Kĩsêdjê. In Kristine Stenzel & Bruna Franchetto (eds.), *On this and other worlds: Voices from Amazonia*, 355–385. Berlin: Language Science Press. DOI:10.5281/zenodo.1008789

### R. Nonato, Kujusi Suyá, Jamthô Suyá & Kawiri Suyá

back into the forest after the Kĩsêdjê ancestor. That is when the story ends, with the narrator excusing himself for only knowing what happened up to that point. That is how his father told him this story, how his people tell it. The title of the story, the expression the Kĩsêdjê use to refer to it, is basically a summary of how it begins, turned into a headless relative clause:

(1) *Khátpy re wapãmjê thõ thurun tho thẽm nda*

[ *Khátpy=re* K.=erg *wa-pãm-jê=thõ* 1incl-father-pl=one *thu-ru=n* load.on.back-nmlz=&.ss *t⟨h⟩o ⟨*3*⟩*with *∅-thẽ-m* 3-go-nmlz ]*=nda* =def 'The one (story) in which the *Khátpy* monster loads a forefather of ours onto his back and carries him away'

### **1.1 The circumstances of the narration**

This story was narrated by Kuiussi Suyá, the chief of the Kĩsêdjê. He is recognized in the community as a great storyteller and knower of their traditions. He told it from his hammock, in his house at the *Ngôjhwêrê* village, on December 5th 2009. It was recorded by Rafael Nonato as part of PRODOCLIN–Kĩsêdjê,<sup>1</sup> a documentation project for the Kĩsêdjê language sponsored by the Museu do Índio.<sup>2</sup> This narrative was transcribed and translated by Jamthô Suyá, and was interlinearized by Rafael Nonato with assistance from Jamthô Suyá and Kawiri Suyá. It had also been previously adapted into a short film.<sup>3</sup>

### **1.2 The Kĩsêdjê people**

The Kĩsêdjê are roughly 450 people, most of whom live in the Wawi Indigenous Land, in the State of Mato Grosso, Brazil. The largest Kĩsêdjê village, named *Ngôjhwêrê*, 'the origin of the water', is located near the southern borders of this land at 11*◦* 51*′* 53*′′* S; 52*◦* 54*′* 02*′′* W.<sup>4</sup> The Wawi Indigenous Land is situated in the southern fringes of the Amazon forest, encompassing most of the basin of the Suyá river, a western tributary of the Xingu river, itself a southeast tributary of the Amazon.

<sup>1</sup> http://prodoclin.museudoindio.gov.br/index.php/etnias/kisedje

<sup>2</sup>The "Museum of Indigenous Peoples", located in Rio de Janeiro is an organ of FUNAI, the Brazilian Bureau of Indigenous Affairs.

<sup>3</sup>At the time of writing, the short could be accessed at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v= wmtwNxYCUvo.

9 Kĩsêdjê

Figure 1: The Wawi Indigenous Land.

The Wawi Indigenous Land is contiguous to and located to the east of the Xingu Indigenous Park, where the Kĩsêdjê used to live until the recent official recognition of their own land. They arrived in the region of the Xingu basin in the latter part of the 19th century and have since forged an intricate history of alliances, wars, and exchanges of technology with the peoples that inhabited the region prior to their arrival.

The Kĩsêdjê used to be known by the exonym "Suyá", after the river whose basin they inhabit. This name was given to the river by another people, possibly the Trumai, and the Kĩsêdjê dislike the term, and ask the researchers that work with them to avoid using it. Their autodenomination, "Kĩsêdjê" (2), makes reference to the traditional technique they employ to create village sites, namely, burning a patch of forest into a circular clearing, on the rims of which they then proceed to build their houses.

(2) *Kĩsêdjê*

*kĩ* village *sêt-∅* burn-nmlz *jê* pl 'The ones who burn villages'

<sup>4</sup> https://goo.gl/maps/i7kyoGZAb6L2

### R. Nonato, Kujusi Suyá, Jamthô Suyá & Kawiri Suyá

### **1.3 The Kĩsêdjê language**

The Kĩsêdjê speak a Northern Jê language (Jê family, Macro-Jê stock). Similar to other Northern Jê languages, Kĩsêdjê is strictly head-final, with the exception of a single head, to be mentioned below.

The main verb is always clause-final. In the neutral order, verbs are immediately preceded by their direct argument, whether it be a noun phrase or a verb phrase. Any postpositional phrase that is also argumental must come immediately before the direct argument, and these are preceded by any adjunct postpositional phrases and/or adverbs.<sup>5</sup> The subject comes before all the constituents mentioned above.<sup>6</sup>

The only exception to the pervasive head-final character of the language are the TAM particles. They are obligatory in main clauses and ungrammatical in embedded clauses. Main clauses must bear a single TAM particle, either in initial<sup>7</sup> or in second position. When they appear in second position, the TAM particles must be preceded by a dislocated constituent marked for topic or focus interpretation.<sup>8</sup>

### (3) *Word-order in the clausal domain* (Foc/Top) [ Mood/Tense [ S (Adjuncts) (PP Args) [ (DO) V ] ] ]

Note that when they are in initial position, the *factual future* and the *factual nonfuture* TAM particles can be deleted. The contexts for their deletion are in almost perfect complementary distribution, though, and for that reason their meaning can usually be recovered. The factual future particle can be deleted when it precedes a nominative participant pronoun, whereas the factual non-future particle cannot be deleted precisely when it precedes a nominative participant pronoun. Both can be deleted when the subject is phrasal, though. In narrative style, deletion of the factual non-future particle is very pervasive, as we can notice in the narrative to be presented below.

Consistent with Kĩsêdjê's head-finality, postpositions follow their arguments, possessed nouns follow their possessors and nominal determiners follow the nouns they modify.<sup>9</sup> There are no nominal categories that express amount (nu-

<sup>5</sup> (11) exemplifies the order *adjunct PP + direct object + verb*. (26) exemplifies the order *adjunct PP*

*<sup>+</sup> argument PP + verb*. The text doesn't contain any sentences that exemplify the order *adjunct PP + argument PP + direct object + verb*.

<sup>6</sup> (37) exemplifies the order *subject + adjunct PP + direct argument*.

<sup>7</sup> (81) and (94) exemplify TAM particles in initial position.

<sup>8</sup> (93) and (110) exemplify TAM particles in second position.

<sup>9</sup> (9) exemplifies the order *noun + determiner*.

### 9 Kĩsêdjê

merals) or quality (adjectives). The amount and quality of a noun are expressed verbally,<sup>10</sup> often through relative clauses, which in Kĩsêdjê are internally headed.<sup>11</sup>

	- [ [ (Possessor) Noun ] (Det) ] (P)

Kĩsêdjê is a strictly dependent-marking language, with a single phenomenon reminiscent of agreement: when a direct argument is dislocated (either to the first position, for topic/focus purposes, or to a position preceding the adjuncts it normally follows, for less clear discourse reasons), a resumptive pronoun obligatory marks its base position.<sup>12</sup> A nominative-accusative frame is found in main clauses and an ergative-absolutive frame in embedded clauses.<sup>13</sup> Most verbs show two distinct forms: a morphologically simpler one used in main clauses and a derived (nominalized) one used in embedded clauses.<sup>14</sup> Case on noun phrases is marked by phrasal enclitics, with distinct ergative and nominative forms. Noun phrases in the absolutive and accusative cases are unmarked. As for the pronouns, their ergative forms are free accented words, their nominative forms are phonological clitics and their accusative and absolutive forms are prefixes. Only 3 rd person pronouns have distinct accusative and absolutive forms, and only in certain restricted environments. Santos (1997) and Nonato (2014) give more detailed descriptions of the language.

<sup>10</sup>(64) exemplifies the order *noun + determiner + amount-denoting verb*.

<sup>11</sup>(40) and (90) exemplify internally headed relative clauses. The head of the former is *hry* 'trail' and the head of the latter is *khukwâj* 'monkey'.

<sup>12</sup>(64) and (110) exemplify this phenomenon.

<sup>13</sup>(16) exemplifies an intransitive main verb with nominative subject and (38) exemplifies a transitive main verb with nominative subject and accusative object. (29) exemplifies a transitive embedded verb with ergative subject and (99) exemplifies intransitive embedded verbs with absolutive subjects, as well as the use of ergative pronouns to double the subject of intransitive embedded verbs.

<sup>14</sup>(99) exemplifies many different nominalizing suffixes.

R. Nonato, Kujusi Suyá, Jamthô Suyá & Kawiri Suyá

### **2 Khátpy re wapãmjê thõ thurun tho thẽm nda**

**'When the** *Khátpy* **monster loaded our forefather onto his back and carried him away'**

**'Quando o monstro** *Khátpy* **botou nosso ancestral nas costas e levou embora'**<sup>15</sup>

(5) *Ne nhy ne.*

*ne=nhy* be.so16=&.ds<sup>17</sup> *ne* be.so 'Then it was like this.'

'Aí foi assim.'

(6) *Ajipãmjê thõ ra, ajipãmjê ra,*

*aj-i-pãm-jê=thõ=ra* pl18-1-father-pl=one=nom *aj-i-pãm-jê=ra* pl-1-father-pl=nom

'A forefather of ours, our forefathers,' 'Um dos nossos antepassados, nossos antepassados,'

(7) *khajkhwa khrat mã, khajkhwa khrat mã…*

*khajkhwa* sky *khrat=mã* beginning=to *khajkhwa* sky *khrat=mã* beginning=to

'towards the east, towards the east …' 'na direção do leste, na direção do leste …'

<sup>15</sup>Recordings of this story are available from https://zenodo.org/record/997437

<sup>16</sup>The verb *ne* can be translated as 'to do so' or as 'to be so'. Each occurrence will be glossed in the most appropriate way.

<sup>17</sup>The form of the Kĩsêdjê coordinating conjunction marks a number of distinctions. The most salient is the distinction, labeled "switch-reference marking" by Jacobsen (1967), between the coordination of clauses with the same subject (ss) and that of clauses with different subjects (ds). Moreover, in certain syntactic contexts, the ds conjunction has distinct forms indicating agreement with the subject of the next clause. If that subject is of the third person, the ds conjunction also marks tense.

<sup>18</sup>Though Kĩsêdjê makes a distinction between inclusive and exclusive first person plural, there is no specialized first person exclusive morphology. There is specialized morphology used to mark first person plural *inclusive* (as in (19)), while the simple pluralization of first person results in the exclusive interpretation. The latter is the form employed in this sentence, since the narrator is telling this story to a non-Kĩsêdjê person.

9 Kĩsêdjê

(8) *tê, khajkhwajndo mã khátpy ra khatxi kumẽn nhy ajipãmjê ra sarẽn ndo pa.*

*tê* oops *khajkhwa=jndo=mã* sky=end=to *kátpy=ra* monster=nom *khatxi* be.numerous *kumẽn=nhy* be.intense=&.ds *aj-i-pãm-jê=ra s-arẽ-n=ndo pa*

pl-1-father-pl=nom 3-talk.about-nmlz=with stay.pl

'I mean, towards the west there were many *khátpy* monsters and our forefathers always told us so.'

'Quero dizer, na direção do oeste tinha muitos monstros *khátpy* e nossos antepassados sempre contavam isso.'

(9) *Nenhy ajipãmjê thõ ra pá khôt thẽ.*

*ne=nhy* be.so=&.ds *aj-i-pãm-jê=thõ=ra* pl-1-father-pl=one=nom *pá* forest *khôt* along *thẽ* go.sg 'And so one of our forefathers went hunting in the forest.' 'E então um dos nossos antepassados foi caçar na floresta.'

(10) *Pá khôt thẽ… pá khôt thẽn jowi,*

*pá=khôt* forest=along *thẽ-…*<sup>19</sup> go.sg-ints *pá=khôt* forest=along *thẽ=n* go.sg=&.ss *jowi* as.they.say 'He was in the forest for a while, he was in the forest and then, as they

say,'

'Ele ficou na floresta bastante tempo, ele estava na floresta e dizem que,'

(11) *khyj wê khukwâj sak nhy jêt.*

*khyj=wê* above=from *khukwâj* monkey *sak=nhy* pierce=&.ds *jêt* hang.sg

'he shot a monkey with an arrow and the monkey got stuck up there.' 'ele flexou um macaco e o macaco ficou preso lá em cima.'

(12) *Khukwâj sak nhy jêt nhy*

*khukwâj* monkey *sak=nhy* pierce=&.ds *jêt=nhy* hang.sg=&.ds

'He shot the monkey with an arrow, it got stuck and' 'Ele flexou o macaco, ele ficou preso e'

<sup>19</sup>Suspension points are used thorough the text to indicate phonological lengthening. In English or Portuguese, lengthening doesn't always serve the same function as it does in Kĩsêdjê. In particular, in Kĩsêdjê, verb lengthening can indicate an intensification or prolongation of the action depicted by the verb. Whenever that is the case, I add an appropriate adverbial to the free translation.

### R. Nonato, Kujusi Suyá, Jamthô Suyá & Kawiri Suyá


*arâ* already *kátpy=ra* monster=nom *jáwi* as.they.say *arâ* already *s-ahwa=n* 3-wait=&.ss *t<h>o* <3>21at *ta* stand.sg 'as they say, the *khátpy* monster was already waiting for him, was standing underneath him.' 'como dizem, o monstro *khátpy* já estava esperando por ele, estava esperando embaixo dele.'

(15) *Sahwan tho ta nhy*

*s-ahwa=n* 3-wait=&.ss *t<h>o* <3>at *ta=nhy* stand.sg=&.ds

'He was waiting for him, was underneath him and then' 'Ele estava esperando ele, estava debaixo dele e aí'

(16) *khukwâj me ne nen, akwyn rwâk mã thẽ, tên… khátpy ra arâ hwaj wê ta.*

*khukwâj* monkey *me=ne* throw.sg=&.ss *ne=n* do.so=&.ss *akwyn* back *rwâ-k=mã* climb.down-nmlz=to *thẽ* go.sg *tên* unexpectedly *khátpy=ra* monster=nom *arâ* already *∅-hwaj=wê* 3-feet=from *ta* stand.sg 'he (the forefather) had thrown the monkey and so was climbing back

down, but to his surprise the *khátpy* monster was already standing under him.'

<sup>20</sup>Verbal number in Kĩsêdjê is indicated by suppletive forms. Not all verbs distinguish between a singular and a plural form, but many of the high-frequency verbs do. The plural form indicates either that the absolutive argument (intransitive subject or transitive object) is numerous (usually 3 or more) or that the event depicted by the verb is somehow extended.

<sup>21</sup>Many heads that begin with an unaspirated 't' or 'k' mark agreement with third person through aspiration of their initial consonant.

9 Kĩsêdjê

'ele (o antepassado) tinha jogado o macaco e estava descendo de volta, mas para a sua surpresa o monstro *khátpy* já estava esperando embaixo dele.'

(17) *"Tuu… wâtân tã khupẽ kasák, khupẽ kasák ta ikhôt thẽ?"*

*tuu* damn *wâtâ=n* what=nfut *tã* though *khupẽ* foreigner *kasák* be.evil *khupẽ* foreigner *kasák=ta* be.evil=nom *i-khôt* 1-along *thẽ*

go.sg

'"Damn! Why did the evil foreigner follow me, though?"' '"Droga! Mas então por que o estrangeiro malvado me seguiu?"'

(18) *Pá txi, pá txi, wet khôt athẽm wa itôra nhimbry jawê ithẽm na thã!*

*pá* forest *txi* be.big *pá* forest *txi* be.big *[* <sup>22</sup> *wet* other *khôt* along *a-thẽ-m=wa* 2-go.sg-nmlz=&.ds.1 *i-tôra* 1-differently *nhimbry* game *j-awê* e-after *i-thẽ-m* 1-go.sg-nmlz *]=na* =nfut *thã* intj:surprise '"The forest is big, the forest is big, you should have gone to a part of it and I should have gone to a different part after my game!"' '"A floresta é grande, a floresta é grande, você devia ter ido para uma parte dela e eu devia ter ido para uma outra parte atrás da minha caça!"'

(19) *Wapãmjê thõ ra swârâ rwâk mã thẽ.*

*wa-pãm-jê=thõ=ra* 1incl23-father-pl=one=nom *∅-swârâ* 3-towards *rwâ-k=mã* climb.down-nmlz=to *thẽ* go.sg 'Our forefather came climbing down.'

'Nosso antepassado veio descendo.'

(20) *Swârâ rwâk mã thẽn… thât rwâk mã thẽ nhy khuthã khura.*

*∅-swârâ* 3-towards *rwâ-k=mã* climb.down-nmlz=to *thẽ=n* go.sg=&.ss *thât* though *rwâ-k=mã* climb.down-nmlz=to

<sup>22</sup>When I consider it relevant for understanding the structure of the sentence, I indicate the boundaries of an embedded clause with square brackets.

<sup>23</sup>The narrator seems to have slipped into first inclusive forms, in spite of the fact that he's narrating this story to a non-Kĩsêdjê person. Since he usually tells this narrative to other Kĩsêdjê people, these are probably the forms he's used to employing, and doing otherwise may require conscious effort.

### R. Nonato, Kujusi Suyá, Jamthô Suyá & Kawiri Suyá

*thẽ=nhy* go.sg=&.ds *k<h>uthã* <3>before *k<h>ura* <3>hit

'Came climbing down towards him… He was going to finish coming down, but he (the *khátpy* monster) hit him before he did so.' 'Veio descendo para perto dele… Ele ia terminar de descer, mas ele (o monstro *khátpy*) bateu nele antes dele acabar.'

(21) *Khuthã khura nhy thẽn "ty" nen thãm ne no.*

*k<h>uthã* <3>before *k<h>ura=nhy* <3>hit=&.ds *thẽ=n* go.sg=&.ss *ty* ontp:falling *ne=n* do.so=&.ss *thãm=ne* fall.down.sg=&.ss *no* lie.down.sg

'He (the *khátpy* monster) hit him before he did so, he (the forefather) went and "*ty*", and so he fell and lay there.' 'Ele (o monstro *khátpy*) bateu nele antes dele acabar (de descer), ele (o antepassado) foi e "*ty*", e assim foi que ele caiu e ficou deitado.'

(22) *Thẽn thãm nhy:*

*thẽ=n* go.sg=&.ss *thãm=nhy* fall.down.sg=&.ds 'He went and fell, and he (the *khátpy* monster):' 'Ele foi e caiu, e ele (o monstro *khátpy*):'

(23) *"Haha… hahaa hwararo ikhrajê re samdep khãm sãm ndo sambak nhy ire ngrytxi pĩrĩ wyrák thã."*

*haha* intj:satisfaction *hahaa* intj:satisfaction *[ hwararo* yesterday *i-khra-jê=re* 1-child-pl=erg *s-amdep-∅* 3-be.hungry-nmlz *khãm* in *s-ã-m=ndo* 3-be.standing.sg-nmlz=with *s-amba-k=nhy* 3-mind-nmlz=&.ds *ire* 1.erg *ngry-txi* beast-big *pĩ-rĩ* kill.sg<sup>24</sup> -nmlz *] wyrák thã* happen.indeed '"That's good, that's good. Yesterday my children were hungry all day long and today I have killed a big beast indeed."' '"Isso é bom, isso é bom. Ontem minhas crianças ficaram com fome o dia inteiro e hoje eu matei um animal grande mesmo."'

<sup>24</sup>The verb *pĩ* actually means 'to wound unconscious'. For simplicity, I gloss it as 'kill'.

(24) *Nen khatyp khôsátxi nhihwêt ne thore khãm sarõn ne khutá.*

*ne=n* do.so=&.ss *∅-khatyp* 3-for *khôsátxi* basket *nh-ihwêt=ne* e-make=&.ss *thore* then *∅-khãm* 3-in *s-arõn=ne* 3-fold=&.ss *khu-tá*

3-put.inside.sg

'He did (said) so, made a basket for him (the ancestor), and then he (the monster) folded him and put him inside.'

'Ele fez (disse) assim, fez um cesto para ele (o ancestral), e então ele (o monstro) dobrou e colocou ele dentro.'

(25) *Thore sĩpy khukwâj ngrên hwan nen arêkmã khuthun tho mo.*

*thore* then *s-ĩpy* 3-on.top *khukwâj* monkey *ngrê-n* put.inside.pl-nmlz *hwa=n* finish=&.ss *ne=n* be.so=&.ss *arêkmã* soon *khu-thu=n* 3-load.on.back=&.ss *t<h>o* <3>with *mo* go.pl

'Then he finished putting the monkeys inside on top of him, and this way he loaded it onto his back and carried it far away.'

'Então ele acobu de botar os macacos em cima dele, e dessa forma ele botou nas costas e foi carregando lá para longe.'

(26) *Khwã hry ro thẽn… sĩthep ne, khwã hry ro thẽn sĩthep ne,*

*kh-wã* 3-to *hry* trail *ro* with *thẽ=n-…* go.sg=&.ss-ints *s-ĩthep=ne* 3-stop=&.ss *kh-wã* 3-to *hry* trail *ro* with *thẽ=n* go.sg=&.ss *s-ĩthep=ne*

3-stop=&.ss

'He would be opening the trail for a while and then stop, would be opening the trail and then stop,'

'Ele ia abrindo a trilha por um tempo e então parava, ia abrindo a trilha e então parava,'

(27) *khwã hwĩ khrakhrak to thẽn khwã hry ro thẽn hwĩ khrakhrak to thẽn sĩthep ne,*

*kh-wã* 3-to *hwĩ* branch *khrakhrak* break *to* with *thẽ=n* go.sg=&.ss *kh-wã* 3-to *hry* trail *ro* with *thẽ=n* go.sg=&.ss *hwĩ* branch *khrakhrak* break *to* with *thẽ=n* go.sg=&.ss *s-ĩthep=ne* 3-stop=&.ss

'he was breaking branches, opening a trail, breaking branches and then he stopped,'

'ele estava quebrando galhos, abrindo uma trilha, quebrando galhos então ele parou,'

(28) *akwyn thẽn khuthun, khuthun tho mo.*

*akwyn* back *thẽ=n* go.sg=&.ss *khu-thu=n* 3-load.on.back=&.ss *khu-thu=n* 3-load.on.back=&.ss *t<h>o* <3>with *mo* go.pl

'came back and loaded it onto his back, loaded it onto his back and carried it far away.'

'voltou e botou nas costas, botou nas costas e carregou para longe.'

(29) *Tho mon… kôre hwĩ khrakhrak ne hry nhithep khãm khutan,*

*t<h>o* <3>with *mo=n-…* go.pl=&.ss-ints *[ kôre* 3.erg *hwĩ* branch *khrakhrak-∅=ne* break-nmlz=&.ss *hry* trail *nh-ithep* e-stop *] khãm khu-ta=n*

```
in
      3-put.standing.sg=&.ss
```
'He carried it for a long time and placed it where he had stopped breaking branches, at the end of the trail, and'

'Ele carregou muito tempo e colocou no lugar onde ele parou de quebrar galho, no fim da trilha, e'

(30) *amu nen khwã hwĩ khrakhrak to thẽn,*

*amu* farther *ne=n* do.so=&.ss *kh-wã* 3-to *hwĩ* branch *khrakhrak-∅* break-nmlz *to* with *thẽ=n* go.sg=&.ss 'continued breaking branches,' 'continuou quebrando galhos,'

(31) *hwĩ khrakhrak to thẽn sĩthep ne*

*hwĩ* branch *khrakhrak* break *to* with *thẽ=n* go.sg=&.ss *s-ĩthep=ne* 3-stop=&.ss 'he went breaking branches and then he stopped and' 'ele foi quebrando galhos e então parou e'

(32) *akwyn nen thẽn khuthu nen amu tho thẽ.*

*akwyn* back *ne=n* do.so=&.ss *thẽ=n* go.sg=&.ss *khu-thu* 3-load.on.back *ne=n* be.so=&.ss *amu* farther *t<h>o* <3>with *thẽ*

go.sg

'went back, loaded it onto his back and so carried it farther.' 'voltou, botou nas costas e assim carregou mais além.'

(33) *Tho thẽn… kôre hwĩ khrakhrak to thẽm nhithep khãm khuta.*

*t<h>o* <3>with *thẽ=n-…* go.sg=&.ss-ints *[ kôre* 3.erg *hwĩ* branch *khrakhrak-∅* break-nmlz *to* with *thẽ-m* go.sg-nmlz *nh-ithep ] khãm khu-ta*

e-stop in 3-put.standing.sg

'He carried it for a while and then placed it where he had stopped breaking branches.'

'Carregou por um tempo e aí colocou onde ele tinha parado de quebrar galhos.'

(34) *Amu nen tho thẽ.*

*amu* farther *ne=n* do.so=&.ss *t<h>o* <3>with *thẽ* go.sg 'Doing so he continued carrying it farther.'

'Fazendo assim ele continuou carregando.'

(35) *Amu nen khuthun tho mon… kôre hry ro thẽm ne hwĩ khrakhrak nhithep khãm khuta.*

*amu* farther *ne=n* do.so=&.ss *khu-thu=n* 3-load.on.back=&.ss *t<h>o* <3>with *mo=n-…* go.pl=&.ss-ints *[ kôre* 3.erg *hry* trail *ro* with *thẽ-m=ne* go.sg-nmlz=&.ss *hwĩ* branch *khrakhrak-∅* break-nmlz *nh-ithep-∅* e-stop-nmlz *] khãm* in *khu-ta*

3-put.standing.sg

'He did so farther, loaded it onto his back, carried it a long time and placed it where he had stopped opening the trail and breaking branches.' 'Ele continuou assim e botou nas costas, carregou muito tempo e colocou onde ele tinha parado de fazer trilha e quebrar galhos.'

(36) *Khuta nhy hõnen ndo khá tha.*

*khu-ta=nhy* 3-put.standing.sg=&.ds *hõne=n* be.ready=&.ss *ndo* eye *khá* skin *tha* rupture 'He placed it on the ground and then he (the forefather) was ready and woke up.'

'Ele colocou no chão e então ele (o antepassado) estava pronto e acordado.'

(37) *Amtysamdep ta khambrô khôt khunta nhy nen ndo khátha.*

*amty* wasp *s-amdep-∅=ta* 3-be.hungry-nmlz=nom *∅-khambrô* 3-blood *khôt* after *khu-nta=nhy* 3-bite=&.ds *ne=n* be.so=&.ss *ndo khá tha*

eye skin rupture

'A wasp of the *amtysamdep* species bit him to suck his his blood and he woke up.'

'Uma vespa da espécio *amtysamdep* mordeu ele para sugar o sangue e assim ele acordou.'

(38) *Tên… khátpy ra khuthun tho mo nhy ndo khá than jáwi arak anhi khãm mbaj to no.*

*tên* unexpectedly *khátpy=ra* monster=nom *khu-thu=n* 3-load.on.back=&.ss *t<h>o* <3>with *mo=nhy* go.pl=&.ds *ndo* eye *khá* skin *tha=n* rupture=&.ss *jáwi* as.they.say *arak* already *anhi* self *khãm* in *∅-mba-j* 3-hear-nmlz *to* with *no*

lie.down.sg

'Unexpectedly, the *khátpy* monster had loaded it (the basket) on his back and was carrying it, and he (the ancestor) woke up and was already lying down listening.'

'De repente, o monstro *khátpy* tinha botado (o cesto) nas costas e estava carregando, e ele (o ancestral) acordou e já estava deitado escutando.'

(39) *"Tu âââ… khupẽ kasák, khupẽ kasák na ithát ne itho mo,"*

*tu âââ* gosh *khupẽ* foreigner *kasák* be.evil *khupẽ* foreigner *kasák=na* be.evil=nfut *i-thát=ne* 1-wound=&.ss *i-tho* 1-with *mo*

go.sg

'"Gosh… the evil monster, it was the evil monster that wounded me and was carrying me,"'

'"Nossa… o monstro malvado, foi o monstro malvado que me feriu e estava me carregando,"'

(40) *nenhy kôt hwĩ khrakhrak khôt hry ro thẽm nda ro thẽn hry jatuj khãm khutha.*

9 Kĩsêdjê

*ne=nhy* be.so=&.ds *[ kôt* 3.erg *hwĩ* branch *khrakhrak-∅* break-nmlz *khôt* along *hry* trail *ro* with *thẽ-m* go.sg-nmlz *]=nda* =def<sup>25</sup> *ro* at *thẽ=n* go.sg=&.ss *hry* trail *j-atu-j* e-stop-nmlz *khãm* in *khu-ta* 3-put.standing.sg 'he thought so and then he (the *khátpy* monster) finished walking the trail that he had built along the broken branches and placed it (the basket) at the end of the trail.' 'ele pensou assim e então ele (o monstro *khátpy*) percorreu a trilha que

ele tinha construindo ao longo dos galhos quebrandos e colocou (o cesto) no fim da trilha.'

(41) *Nenhy amu nen khwã hwĩ khrakhrak to thẽ.*

*ne=nhy* be.so=&.ds *amu* farther *ne=n* do.so=&.ss *kh-wã* 3-to *hwĩ* branch *khrakhrak-∅* break-nmlz *to* with *thẽ* go.sg 'And then he (the *khátpy* monster) continued breaking branches.' 'E então ele (o monstro *khátpy*) continuou quebrando galhos.'

(42) *Hwĩ khrakhrak to thẽ nhy athũm… nhy nen akwyn nen thẽ.*

*hwĩ* branch *khrakhrak-∅* break-nmlz *to* with *thẽ=nhy* go.sg=&.ds *athũm-…=nhy* take.time-ints=&.ds *ne=n* be.so=&.ss *akwyn ne=n thẽ*

back be.so=&.ss go.sg

'He was breaking branches, it took some time and then he went back.' 'Ele estava quebrando galhos, demorou um certo tempo e então ele voltou.'

(43) *Akwyn nen thẽn khatho.*

*akwyn* back *ne=n* be.so=&.ss *thẽ=n* go.sg=&.ss *k<h>atho* <3>come.out.sg

'He came back and came out (of the forest).' 'Ele voltou e saiu (da floresta).'

(44) *Khathon akhum khuthun nen tho mo.*

*k<h>atho=n* <3>come.out.sg=&.ss *akhum* again *khu-thu=n* 3-load.on.back=&.ss *ne=n* be.so=&.ss *t<h>o* <3>with

<sup>25</sup>Relative clauses are internally headed. The head of this one is *hry*.

### R. Nonato, Kujusi Suyá, Jamthô Suyá & Kawiri Suyá

*mo*

go.pl

'He came out, loaded it again on his back and so continued taking it away.' 'Ele saiu, botou nas costas de novo e assim continuou carregando para longe.'

(45) *Tho mon kôt hry nhithep khãm khuthan amu thẽ nhy thore tho sujakhre ro no.*

*t<h>o* <3>with *mo=n* go.pl=&.ss *[ kôt* 3.erg *hry* trail *nh-ithep-∅* e-stop-nmlz *] khãm* in *khu-ta=n* 3-put.standing.sg=&.ss *amu* farther *thẽ=nhy* go.sg=&.ds *thore* then *t<h>o* <3>with *s-ujakhre-∅* 3-count-nmlz *ro no*

with lie.down.sg

'He took it, left it at the place where he stopped the trail and went farther and then he (the forefather) stayed lying down counting the time.' 'Carregou, deixou no lugar onde ele tinha parado a trilha e continuou adiante e então ele (o antepassado) ficou deitado contando o tempo.'

(46) *Tho sujakhre ro no nhy athũm nhy nen akwyn khatho.*

*t<h>o* <3>with *s-ujakhre-∅* 3-count-nmlz *ro* with *no=nhy* lie.down.sg=&.ds *athũm=nhy* take.time=&.ds *ne=n* be.so=&.ss *akwyn k<h>atho*

back <3>come.out.sg

'He stayed lying counting the time, it took some time and then he (the *khátpy* monster) came back out.'

'Ele ficou deitado contando o tempo, demorou um tempo e então ele (o monstro *khátpy*) saiu de volta.'

(47) *Akwyn swârâ khathon akhum khuthun.*

*akwyn* back *∅-swârâ* 3-towards *k<h>atho=n* <3>come.out.sg=&.ss *akhum* again *khu-thu=n* 3-load.on.back=&.ss<sup>26</sup>

'He came back out towards him and loaded it again on his back.' 'Ele saiu de volta pra perto dele e botou de novo nas costas.'

<sup>26</sup>Here, though the coordinating conjunction marks subject maintenance, there actually is a subject switch.

(48) *"Hyhy! Athaj nhyry ri wa thẽ."*

*hyhy* aha *∅* fut *athaj* there *nhy-ry* do.so.nmlz-nmlz *ri=wa* during=&.ds.1 *thẽ* go.sg '"Aha! While he is doing that over there I will go away."' '"Aha! Enquanto ele estiver fazendo isso lá eu vou embora."'

(49) *Arêkmã, arêkmã wi anhi khãm, anhi mã sumbaj to no jowi. arêkmã* soon *arêkmã* soon *wi* indeed *anhi* self *khãm* in *anhi=mã* self=to *s-umba-j* 3-think-nmlz *to* with *no* lie.down.sg *jowi* as.they.say

'Soon, as they say, he (the forefather) stayed lying down thinking to himself.'

'Logo, segundo dizem, ele (o antepassado) ficou deitado pensando sozinho.'

(50) *Tho thẽn… akhum khuthun tho mon khuta.*

*t<h>o* <3>with *thẽ=n* go.sg=&.ss *akhum* again *khu-thu=n* 3-load.on.back=&.ss *t<h>o* <3>with *mo=n* go.pl=&.ss *khu-ta*

3-put.standing.sg

'He (the *khátpy* monster) kept taking it… loaded him on his back again, took it and put it down.'

'Ele (o monstro *khátpy*) foi levando… botou nas costas de novo, levou e depois colocou no chão.'

(51) *Kôt hry jatuj khãm khutha.*

*[ kôt* 3.erg *hry* trail *j-atu-j* e-stop-nmlz *] khãm* in *khu-ta* 3-put.standing.sg

'He put it down where he had stopped making the trail.' 'Colocou no chão onde ele tinha parado de fazer a trilha.'

(52) *Akhum thẽ, akhum thẽ nhy akhum tho sujakhre mbet to no nhy…*

*akhum* again *thẽ* go.sg *akhum* again *thẽ=nhy* go.sg=&.ds *akhum* again *t<h>o* <3>with *s-ujakhre-∅* 3-count-nmlz *mbet* be.good *to no=nhy*

with lie.down.sg=&.ds

'He went away again and then he (the forefather) lay down counting time with attention and…'

'Ele foi pra longe de novo e então ele (o antepassado) ficou deitado contando o tempo com atenção e…'


*athũm-∅* take.time-nmlz *kharõ=nhy* appear=&.ds *ne=n* be.so=&.ss *akwyn* back *k<h>atho* <3>come.out.sg 'a little more time passed and he (the *khátpy* monster) came back out.' 'passou um pouco mais de tempo e ele (o monstro *khátpy*) saiu de volta.'

(55) *"Hyhy! Kê nhyry ri wa thẽ."*

*hyhy* aha *kê* fut *nhy-ry* be.so.-nmlz *ri=wa* during=&.ds.1 *thẽ* go.sg '"Aha! While he's doing so I will go."' '"Aha! Enquanto ele estiver fazendo isso eu vou embora."'

(56) *Khathon, akhum khuthun tho mo.*

embora.'

*k<h>atho=n* <3>come.out.sg=&.ss *akhum* again *khu-thu=n* 3-load.on.back=&.ss *t<h>o* <3>with *mo* go.pl 'He (the *khátpy* monster) came out, loaded it again on his back and took it away.' 'Ele (o monstro *khátpy*) saiu de volta, botou do novo nas costas e levou

(57) *Akhum khuthun tho mon… kôt hry jatuj khãm khutha.*

*akhum* again *khu-thu=n* 3-load.on.back=&.ss *t<h>o* <3>with *mo=n-…* go.pl=&.ss-ints *[ kôt* 3.erg *hry* trail *j-atu-j* e-stop-nmlz *] khãm* in *khu-ta* 3-put.standing.sg

'He loaded it again on his back, took it all the way and put it down where he had stopped the trail.'

'Ele botou de novo nas costas, levou o caminho todo e colocou no chão onde ele tinha parado a trilha.'

(58) *Hry jatuj khãm khuthan,*

*hry* trail *j-atu-j* e-stop-nmlz *khãm* in *khu-ta=n* 3-put.standing.sg=&.ss 'He put it down where he had stopped the trail, and' 'Ele botou no chão onde ele tinha parado a trilha, e'

(59) *thât hwĩ khrakhrak to, khwã hry ro thẽ… nhy ary…re nhy.*

*thât* though *hwĩ* branch *khrakhrak-∅* break-nmlz *to* with *kh-wã* 3-to *hry* trail *ro* with *thẽ-…=nhy* go.sg-ints=&.ds *ary-…-re* for.long-ints-little *nhy* be.sitting.sg

'was uselessly breaking branches, building a long trail, and then he (the forefather) sat for a little long.'

'estava inutilmente quebrando galhos, construindo uma longa trilha, e então ele (o antepassado) ficou um tempinho sentado.'

(60) *Nen khatho ne… anhi ndêt khukwâj to thêk ne khathon,*

*ne=n* do.so=&.ss *k<h>atho=ne* <3>come.out.sg=&.ss *anhi* self *ndêt* away.from *khukwâj* monkey *to* with *thêk=ne* push.out=&.ss *k<h>atho=n* <3>come.out.sg=&.ss

'He did so and then came out… Pushed the monkeys out away from him, came out, and'

'Ele fez isso e então saiu… Empurrou os macacos para fora, para longe de si, saiu, e'

(61) *thore khẽn tha ro thẽn khuthán,*

*thore* then *khẽn* rock *tha* this *ro* with *thẽ=n* go.sg=&.ss *khu-tá=n* 3-put.inside.sg=&.ss 'then he brought a rock and put it inside,' 'então ele trouxe uma pedra e botou dentro,'

(62) *khẽn tha ro thẽn khuthán,*

*khẽn* rock *tha* this *ro* with *thẽ=n* go.sg=&.ss *khu-tá=n* 3-put.inside.sg=&.ss 'he brought another rock and put it inside,' 'trouxe outra pedra e botou dentro,'

### R. Nonato, Kujusi Suyá, Jamthô Suyá & Kawiri Suyá

(63) *khẽn tha ro thẽn khuthán, sĩpy khukwâj ngrên hwan,*

*khẽn* rock *tha* this *ro* with *thẽ=n* go.sg=&.ss *khu-tá=n* 3-put.inside.sg=&.ss *s-ĩpy* 3-on.top *khukwâj* monkey *ngrê-n* put.inside.pl-nmlz *hwa=n* finish=&.ss 'he brought another rock and put it inside, and on top of them finished

putting all the monkeys inside,' 'trouxe outra pedra e colocou dentro, e no topo delas terminou de colocar

todos os macacos em cima,'

(64) *hõnen arêkmã khukwâj itha wytin khupyn nen thẽ.*

*hõne=n* be.ready=&.ss *arêkmã* soon *khukwâj* monkey *itha* this *wyti=n* be.one=& *khu-py=n* 3-fetch.sg=&.ss *ne=n* do.so=&.ss *thẽ*

go.sg

'he was done and then took this one monkey and so went away.' 'ele acabou e logo pegou um macaco e foi embora.'

(65) *Thẽn… athũm nhy akwyn khatho.*

*thẽ=n-… athũm=nhy akwyn k<h>atho*

go.sg=&.ss-ints take.time=&.ds back <3>come.out.sg

'He went far away, it took time and he (the *khátpy* monster) came back out.'

'Ele foi embora para longe, demorou um tempo e ele (o monstro *khátpy*) saiu de volta.'

(66) *Akwyn khathon khuthun, khẽn mã wikamẽn pa.*

*akwyn* back *k<h>atho=n* <3>come.out.sg=&.ss *khu-thu=n* 3-load.on.back=&.ss *khẽn* rock *mã* to *∅-wikamẽ=n* 3-be.pulled=&.ss *pa* stay.pl

'He came back out, loaded it on his back and kept being pulled down towards the rocks.'

'Ele saiu de volta, botou nas costas e ficou sendo puxado para baixo em direção às pedras.'

(67) *Khẽn mã wikamẽn pan, "Haaa! Ngrytxi thyk mbet ne khajkhit na!" khẽn* rock *mã* to *∅-wikamẽ=n* 3-be.pulled=&.ss *pa=n* stay.pl=&.ss *Haaa* Argh *ngry-txi* beast-big *thy-k* die-nmlz *mbet-∅=ne* be.good-nmlz=&.ss *∅-khajkhit-∅=na* 3-be.light-nmlz=nfut 'He kept being pulled down towards the rocks and said "Argh!" A big

beast that is well dead is supposed to be light!"' 'Ele ficou sendo puxado para baixo em direção às pedras e disse "Argh!" Um animal grande que está bem morto era para ser leve!"'

(68) *"Ngrytxi thyk mbet ne khajkit na!"*

*ngry-txi* beast-big *thy-k* die-nmlz *mbet-∅=ne* be.good-nmlz=&.ss *∅-khajkhit-∅=na* 3-be.light-nmlz=nfut '"A big beast that is well dead is supposed to be light!"' '"Um animal grande que está bem morto era para ser leve!"'

(69) *Nenhy tho huuuh… nen sarĩn tho thẽ.*

*ne=nhy* be.so=&.ds *t<h>o* <3>with *huuuh* umpf *ne=n* be.so=&.ss *s-arĩ=n* 3-jump=&.ss *t<h>o* <3>with *thẽ* go.sg 'And then he grunted and jumped and took it away.' 'E aí ele grunhiu e pulou e levou embora.'

(70) *Khuthun tho mo, tho mo… hry jatuj khãm khuta.*

*khu-thu=n* 3-load.on.back=&.ss *t<h>o* <3>with *mo* go.pl *t<h>o* <3>with *mo-…* go.pl-ints *hry* trail *j-atu-j* e-stop-nmlz *khãm khu-ta*

in 3-put.standing.sg

'He loaded it on his back and took it all the way, took it all the way and put it down at the end of the trail.'

'Ele botou nas costas e levou até o fim, levou até o fim e botou no chão no final da trilha.'

(71) *Amu khwã hry ro thẽ…*

*amu* farther *kh-wã* 3-to *hry* trail *ro* with *thẽ* go.sg 'He continued opening the trail…' 'Ele continuou abrindo a trilha…'

(72) *Akhum hry jatuj khãm khuta.*

*akhum* again *hry* trail *j-atu-j* e-stop-nmlz *khãm* in *khu-ta* 3-put.standing.sg 'He put it down again where he had stopped the trail.' 'Ele deixou de novo no lugar onde ele tinha parado a trilha.'

(73) *Hry jatuj khãm khutan, amu nen hry ro thẽ.*

*hry* trail *j-atu-j* e-stop-nmlz *khãm* in *khu-ta=n* 3-put.standing.sg=&.ss *amu* farther *ne=n* be.so=&.ss *hry* trail *ro* with *thẽ* go.sg

'He put it down where he had stopped the trail and opened the trail farther.'

'Ele botou no chão onde ele tinha parado a trilha e então continuou abrindo a trilha.'

(74) *Hry ro thẽn… sĩthep ne akwyn nen khatho.*

*hry* trail *ro* with *thẽ=n-…* go.sg=&.ss-ints *s-ĩthep-∅=ne* 3-stop-nmlz=&.ss *akwyn* back *ne=n* be.so=&.ss *k<h>atho* <3>come.out.sg

'He opened a long trail, stopped and so came back out.' 'Ele abriu uma trilha comprida, parou e então voltou.'

(75) *Akwyn thẽn khathon kê khwã wikamẽn pan*

*akwyn* back *thẽ=n* go.sg=&.ss *k<h>atho=n* <3>come.out.sg=&.ss *kê* also *kh-wã* 3-to *∅-wikamẽ=n* 3-be.pulled=&.ss *pa=n* stay.pl=&.ss 'He went back, came out and kept again being pulled down towards them (the rocks),' 'Ele voltou, saiu e ficou de novo sendo puxado para baixo em direção a

elas (as pedras),'

(76) *khẽn mã wikamẽn pan, "Haaa! Ngrytxi thyk mbet ne khajkhit na!" khẽn* rock *mã* to *∅-wikamẽ=n* 3-be.pulled=&.ss *pa=n* stay.pl=&.ss *haaa* argh *ngry-txi* beast-big *thy-k* die-nmlz

9 Kĩsêdjê

*mbet-∅=ne* be.good-nmlz=&.ss *∅-khajkhit-∅=na* 3-be.light-nmlz=nfut

'he kept being pulled down towards the rocks and said "Argh! A big beast that is well dead is supposed to be light!"' 'ficou sendo puxado para baixo em direção às pedras e disse "Argh! Um animal grande que está bem morto era para ser leve!"'

(77) *"Ngrytxi thyk mbet ne khajkhit na!"*

*ngry-txi* beast-big *thy-k* die-nmlz *mbet-∅=ne* be.good-nmlz=&.ss *∅-khajkhit-∅=na* 3-be.light-nmlz=nfut

'"A big beast that is well dead is supposed to be light!"' '"Um animal grande que está bem morto era para ser leve!"'

(78) *Khwã wikamẽn pa jahôt to huuuh nen sarĩn amu tho thẽ.*

*kh-wã* 3-to *∅-wikamẽ=n* 3-be.pulled=&.ss *pa-∅* stay.pl-nmlz *j-ahô-t* e-come.out.pl-nmlz *to* with *huuuh* umpf *ne=n* be.so=&.ss *s-arĩ=n* 3-jump=&.ss *amu* farther *t<h>o* <3>with *thẽ* go.sg

'He grunted his way out of being pulled down towards the rocks, jumped up and took it farther.'

'Ele ficou grunhindo sendo puxado para baixo em direção às pedras, pulou e levou mais adiante.'

(79) *Tho thẽn… tho pâj, sũrũkhwã mã tho pâj.*

*t<h>o* <3>with *thẽ=n-…* go.sg=&.ss-ints *t<h>o* <3>with *pâj* arrive *s-ũrũkhwã* 3-house *mã* to *t<h>o* <3>with *pâj* arrive 'He carried it all the way and arrived home with it.' 'Ele carregou (a cesta) o resto do caminho e chegou em casa com ela.'

(80) *Sũrũkhwã me, sũrũkhwã khãm khrajê me hrõjê swârâ tho pâj.*

*s-ũrũkhwã=me,*<sup>27</sup> 3-house=& *s-ũrũkhwã* 3-house *khãm* at *∅-khra-jê=me* 3-child-pl=& *∅-hrõ-jê* 3-wife-pl *swârâ* towards *t<h>o* <3>with *pâj* arrive

'At home, he brought it towards his children and wives.' 'Em sua casa, ele levou para junto dos seus filhos e esposas.'

<sup>27</sup>This was a mistake by the narrator.

### R. Nonato, Kujusi Suyá, Jamthô Suyá & Kawiri Suyá

(81) *Khrajê ra khathon "Haaa! Waj turê ra ngrytxi pĩn tho mo… Waj turê ra ngrytxi pĩn tho mo."*

*∅-khra-jê=ra* 3-child-pl=nom *k<h>atho=n* <3>come.out.sg=&.ss *haaa* ah *waj* must *turê=ra* dad=nom *ngry-txi* beast-big *pĩ=n* kill.sg=&.ss *t<h>o* <3>with *mo-…* go.pl-ints *waj* must *turê=ra* dad=nom *ngry-txi* beast-big *pĩ=n* kill.sg=&.ss *t<h>o* <3>with *mo* go.pl"

'His childen came out and (said) "Dad must have killed a big beast and brought it all the way here."'

'Seus filhos saíram e (disseram) "Papai deve ter matado um animal grande e trouxe até aqui."'

(82) *Tho thẽn… khikhre kape mã khẽn me nhy thuk nen ta nhy,*

*t<h>o* <3>with *thẽ=n-…* go.sg=&.ss-ints *khikhre* house *kape* front *mã* to *khẽn* rock *me=nhy* throw.sg=&.ds *thuk* thud *ne=n ta=nhy*

do.so=&.ss stand.sg=&.ds

'He carried it over, threw the rock in front of the house, it (the basket) made a '*thuk*' and stood there, and'

'Ele carregou até lá, jogou a pedra na frente da casa, ele (o cesto) fez '*thuk*' e ficou lá, e'

(83) *nenhy, "ndotê, ndotê, ndotê, ndotê" ne…*

*ne=nhy* be.so=&.ds *ndotê* be.quick *ndotê* be.quick *ndotê* be.quick *ndotê* be.quick *ne* do.so 'so he said "Come here, come here, come here, come here…"' 'então ele disse "Venham aqui, venham aqui, venham aqui, venham aqui…"'

(84) *"Wakhrajê nho thát, ngrytxi kukhráthá thõ kê khukhrẽ."*

*wa-khra-jê* 1incl-child-pl *nh-o* e-food *thát* for *ngry-txi* beast-big *kukhráthá thõ=kê* do.something.with=&.ds.3.fut *khu-khrẽ*

3-eat.pl

'"For our childen's food, do something with the big beast and they will eat it."'

'"Para a comida dos nossos filhos, faça alguma coisa com o animal grande e eles vão comer."'


*kh-wã* 3-to *ngry-txi* beast-big *pĩ=n* kill.sg=&.ss *t<h>o* <3>with *mo-…* go.pl-ints

"'(I) killed a big beast for them and brought it all the way"' "'(Eu) matei um animal grande para eles e trouxe até aqui"'

	- *ka* 2.nom *ndotê=n* be.quick=&.ss *kh-wã* 3-to *k<h>ukhrátá thõ=kê* <3>do.something.with=&.ds.3.fut *∅-rêt=thõ* 3-offal=one *khrẽ* eat.pl '"Come quickly and do something with it and then they will eat some offall."'

'"Venha logo fazer alguma coisa com ele e aí eles vão comer os miúdos."'

(88) *Hrõ ra "Hy!" nen khatho.*

*∅-hrõ=ra* 3-wife=nom *hy* yes *ne=n* do.so=&.ss *k<h>atho* <3>come.out.sg 'His wife said "Yes!" and came out.' 'Sua esposa disse "Sim!" e saiu.'

(89) *Khathon, khukwâj rẽn ndo thẽ.*

*k<h>atho=n* <3>come.out.sg=&.ss *khukwâj* monkey *rẽ-n* throw.pl-nmlz *ndo* with *thẽ* go.sg 'She came out and was throwing monkeys (out of the basket).' 'Ela saiu e ficou jogando macacos (para fora do cesto).'

### R. Nonato, Kujusi Suyá, Jamthô Suyá & Kawiri Suyá

(90) *Wapãmjê thõ wê sĩmbry wê kôt khukwâj hwaj ta, tho hôt to thẽn, tho hôt to thẽn, "the!"*

*wa-pãm-jê=thõ=wê* 1incl-father-pl=one=from *s-ĩmbry* 3-game *wê* cop *kôt* 3.erg *khukwâj* monkey *hwa-j=ta* kill.pl-nmlz=det *t<h>o* <3>with *hô-t* pull.out.pl-nmlz *to* with *thẽ=n* go.sg=&.ss *t<h>o* <3>with *hô-t* pull.out.pl-nmlz *to* with *thẽ=n* go.sg=&.ss *the* hey!

'The game from our forefather, the monkeys that he had killed, she kept pulling out and (said) "Hey!"

'A caça do nosso antepassado, os macacos que ele tinha matado, ela ficou puxando para fora e (disse) "Oras!"

(91) *Khôsátxi khre khahwãrã ro ta.*

*khôsátxi* basket *khre* inner.side *khahwã-rã* probe-nmlz *ro* with *ta* stand.sg 'She kept probing the inner side of the basket.' 'Ela ficou inspecionando o lado de dentro do cesto.'

(92) *"Nhintã ngrytxi jarẽn nda?"*

*nhintã* where *ngry-txi* beast-big *j-arẽ-n=nda* e-talk.about-nmlz=det '"Where is the big beast he talked about?"' '"Onde está o animal grande de que ele falou?"'

(93) *"Athaj na wa ngrytxi pĩn tho mo."*

*athaj=na* there=nfut *wa* 1.nom *ngry-txi* beast-big *pĩ=n* kill.sg=&.ss *t<h>o* <3>with *mo* go.pl '"I killed a big beast and brought all the way there."' '"Eu matei um animal grande e trouxe até aí."'

(94) *"Ngry txire! Kôt ka sõmun khêrê?"*

*ngry* beast *txi-re* big-adj *kôt* can.fut *ka* 2.nom *s-õmu-n* 3-see-nmlz *khêrê* not.be '"The beast is big! Can't you see?"' '"O animal é grande! Você não consegue ver?"'

(95) *"Nhintã tôra ngrytxi jarẽn nda?"*

*nhintã* where *tôra* though *ngry-txi* beast-big *j-arẽ-n=nda* e-talk.about-nmlz=det '"Where, though, is the big beast you talk about?"' '"Onde então é que está esse animal grande de que você fala?"'

(96) *"Ngrytxi khêrê weri!"*

*ngry-txi* beast-big *khêrê* not.be *weri* indeed '"There is indeed no big beast!"' '"Não tem mesmo animal grande nenhum!"'

(97) *"Ngry txire! kôt ka sõmun khêrê?"*

*ngry* beast *txi-re* big-adj *kôt* can.fut *ka* 2.nom *s-õmu-n* 3-see-nmlz *khêrê* not.be '"The beast is big! Can't you see it?"' '"O animal é grande! Você não consegue ver?"'

(98) *"Rik tã, ndotên wakhrajê nho thát khukhrátá thõ kê khwê rêt thõ khrẽ!" rik* quickly *tã* indeed *ndotê=n* be.quick=&.ss *wa-khra-jê* 1incl-child-pl *nh-o* e-food *thát* for *k<h>ukhrátá thõ=kê* <3>do.something.with=&.ds.3.fut *kh-wê* 3-from *∅-rêt=thõ* 3-offal=one *khrẽ* eat.pl '"Go quickly and do something with it for our children's food and they'll eat some offall!"'

'"Se apresse e faça alguma coisa para a comida das nossas crianças e aí eles vão comer alguns miúdos!"'

(99) *"Hwararo, wakhrajê re hrãm khãm sãm nhy ire ithẽm ne ire ngrytxi pĩrĩ ne tho imorõ wyráká."*

*hwararo* yesterday *[ wa-khra-jê=re* 1incl-child-pl=erg *∅-hrãm-∅* 3-desire-nmlz *khãm* in *s-ã-m=nhy* 3-be.standing.sg-nmlz=&.ds *ire* 1.erg *i-thẽ-m=ne* 1-go.sg-nmlz=&.ss *ire* 1.erg *ngry-txi* beast-big *pĩ-rĩ=ne* kill.sg-nmlz=&.ss *t<h>o* <3>with *i-mo-rõ* 1-go.pl-nmlz *] wyráká* happen

'"It happened that yesterday our children were hungry, I went, killed this big beast and brought it all the way here."'

'"Aconteceu que ontem nossos filhos estavam com fome e eu fui, matei um animal grande e trouxe até aqui."'

(100) *"Rik athaj aj khwã khukhrátá thõ kê aj khukhrẽ."*

*rik* quickly *athaj* there *aj* pl *kh-wã* 3-to *k<h>ukhrátá thõ=kê* <3>do.something.with=&.ds.3.fut *aj* pl *khu-khrẽ* 3-eat.pl '"Quick! Go there do something with it for them and so they will eat it all"'

'"Rápido! Vão lá fazer alguma coisa com ele e então eles vão comer tudo"'

(101) *"Ngrytxi khêrê… Amne thẽn sõmu."*

*ngry-txi* beast-big *khêrê* not.be *amne* to.here *thẽ=n* go.sg=&.ss *s-õmu* 3-see '"There is no big beast… Come here and see it."' '"Não tem animal grande nenhum… Venha aqui e veja."'

(102) *Sãm thãmthã, tê, norõ thãmthã khatho.*

*s-ã-m* 3-be.standing.sg-nmlz *thãmthã* last.long.time *tê* oops *∅-no-rõ* 3-lie.down-nmlz *thãmthã* last.long.time *k<h>atho* <3>come.out.sg

'He was standing for a long time, oops, I mean, he was lying down for a long time and then came out.'

'Ele ficou em pé muito tempo, quero dizer, ele ficou deitado muito tempo e então saiu.'

(103) *Swârâ thẽn, "the!" Khôsátxi khre kahrãn tên… khẽn wit nhy.*

*∅-swârâ* 3-towards *thẽ=n* go.sg=&.ss *the* hey *khôsátxi* basket *khre* inner.side *kahrã=n* probe=&.ss *tên* unexpectedly *khẽn* rock *wit* only *nhy* be.sitting.sg

'He went towards her and (said) "Hey!" He had probed the inner side of the basket and there were unexpectedly only rocks.'

'Ele foi para junto dela e (disse) "Oras!" Ele tinha vasculhado o interior do cesto e inesperadamente só tinha pedras.'

(104) *"Mãn khẽn wit khrĩ!" mãn* here *khẽn* rock *wit* only *khrĩ* be.sitting.pl '"There are only rocks sitting here!"' '"Só tem pedras aqui!"'

(105) *Sõmun ndo tan, "Ty a… tharãm na ngrytxi thẽ!" nen,*

*s-õmu-n* 3-see-nmlz *ndo* with *ta=n* stand.sg=&.ss *ty a* goddamn.it *tharãm=na* long.ago=nfut *ngry-txi* beast-big *thẽ* go.sg *ne=n* do.so=&.ss

'He stood there looking and said "Goddamn it! It was long ago that the big beast went away!"'

'Ele ficou ali olhando e disse "Desgraça! Faz tempo que o animal grande foi embora!"'

(106) *"Nhum nda iwê awythárá mã?" nen khô pyn, akhum atán thẽ.*

*nhum=nda* who=nom *i-wê* 1-from *a-wythá-rá* 2-protect-nmlz *mã* be.forthcoming *ne=n* do.so=&.ss *∅-khô* 3-club *py=n* fetch.sg=&.ss *akhum* again *atá=n* enter.sg=&.ss *thẽ* go.sg

'"Who is going to protect you from me?" he said, fetched his club, entered (the forest) again and went (after the forefather).'

'"Quem que vai proteger você de mim?" ele disse, pegou sua bordina, entrou (na floresta) de novo e foi (atrás do antepassado).'

(107) *Akhum atán thẽn… kôre pĩrĩ tá mã khathon*

*akhum* again *atá=n* enter.sg=&.ss *thẽ=n-…* go.sg=&.ss-ints *[ kôre* 3.erg *∅-pĩ-rĩ* 3-kill.sg-nmlz *] tá* place *mã* to *k<h>atho=n*

<3>come.out.sg=&.ss

'Entered again, went back all the way and came out to the place where he wounded him (the forefather) unconscious,'

'Entrou de novo, voltou o caminho todo e saiu no lugar onde ele tinha machucado ele (o ancestral) mortalmente,'

### R. Nonato, Kujusi Suyá, Jamthô Suyá & Kawiri Suyá

(108) *"Ry…a…" khô ro anhi kathwân sãm thãmthã.*

*ry…a…* argh… *∅-khô* 3-club *ro* with *anhi* self *kathwâ=n* straighten=&.ss *s-ã-m* 3-be.standing.sg-nmlz *thãmthã* last.long.time '"Argh…" He straightened himself with the club (against the ground) and stood there for a long time.' '"Argh…" Ele se endireitou com a borduna (contra o chão) e ficou lá de pé por muito tempo.'

(109) *Jowi anhi tho? nenhy amu sarẽn nda mbaj khêrê, Khupyry.*

*jowi* as.they.say *anhi* self *tho* do.how *ne=nhy* be.so=&.ds *amu* farther *s-arẽ-n=nda* 3-talk.about-nmlz=det *mba-j* know-nmlz *khêrê* not.be *Khupyry* howler.monkey

'How is it, as they say? It was so and I don't know what else to say about this, Howler Monkey.'<sup>28</sup> 'Como que é, que eles dizem? Aconteceu assim e eu não sei dizer mais nada sobre isso, Guariba.'

(110) *Itha wit mẽ ra, tho nen sarẽn wit na wa khumba.*

*itha* this *wit* only *mẽ=ra* people=nom *t<h>o* <3>with *ne=n* do.so=&.ss *s-arẽ-n* 3-talk.about-nmlz *wit=na* only=nfut *wa* 1.nom *khu-mba* 3-know

'I know only this, that people used to tell this way.' 'Eu só sei isso, que o pessoal costumava contar desse jeito.'

(111) *Ipãm nda nen tho sujarẽn nda ne wa khumba.*

*i-pãm=nda* 1-father=nom *ne=n* do.so=&.ss *t<h>o* <3>with *s-ujarẽ-n=nda* 3-talk-nmlz=det *ne=wa* do.so=&.ds.1 *khu-mba* 3-know 'My father narrated this way and I used to hear it thus.' 'Meu pai contava assim e eu costumava escutar (a história) desse jeito.'

<sup>28</sup>The narrator is talking to the linguist, whom the Kĩsêdjê nicknamed *Khypyry*.

9 Kĩsêdjê

(112) *Nenhy khátpy ra nen mẽ thõj pĩn khuthun tho mo nhy, akhum khwê thẽ.*

*ne=nhy* be.so=&.ds *khátpy=ra* monster=nom *ne=n* do.so=&.ss *mẽ=thõj* people=one *pĩ=n* kill.sg=&.ss *khu-thu=n* 3-load.on.back=&.ss *t<h>o* <3>with *mo=nhy* go.pl=&.ds *akhum* again *kh-wê* 3-from *thẽ* go.sg

'It was so, and so the *khátpy* monster wounded one of our people unconscious, loaded him on his back and took him far away, and he (the forefather) ran away from him.'

'Foi desse jeito, e assim que o monstro *khátpy* feriu mortalmente um de nós, botou ele nas costas, carregou ele muito longe, e ele (o ancestral) fugiu dele.'

(113) *Nenhy ne.*

*ne=nhy* be.so=&.ds *ne* be.so 'Then it was like this.' 'Aí foi assim.'

### **Non-standard abbreviations**



### **References**


Santos, Ludoviko Carnasciali. 1997. *Descrição de aspectos morfossintáticos do Suyá*. UFSC dissertation.

### **Chapter 10**

## **Kwaza**

Hein van der Voort Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi

Edileusa Kwaza

Zezinho Kwaza

Mario Aikanã

### **1 Introduction**

The story of Grandfather Fox represents a myth as told by the Kwaza people of the southwestern Amazon. Kwaza is a highly endangered isolate language with about 25 speakers. The speakers of Kwaza live in two different indigenous reserves and in a nearby village, in the southeastern corner of the Brazilian state of Rondônia, amidst a sea of deforested lands owned by big cattle ranchers and soy farmers. In one of the reserves, Terra Indígena Tubarão-Latundê, the Kwaza and Latundê (northern nambikwara) form minority populations among the Aikanã (isolate). Several mixed Kwaza and Aikanã families live in another reserve, Terra Indígena Kwazá do Rio São Pedro. Despite having a very fragmented speaker community, Kwaza is still the first language of the youngest generation in two families.

This story was told by Edileusa Kwaza, who had learnt it from her late monolingual Kwaza father, Antonhão. As she told the story, Edileusa was accompanied by her partner Zezinho Kwaza. Most of the time, Edileusa and Zezinho live with their children and grandchildren in the little village outside the first reserve, and have very little contact with other Kwaza speakers. It should be considered admirable that, in spite of their Portuguese-only and often anti-indigenous environment, Kwaza is maintained as the family's home language. The story was

Figure 1: The indigenous reserves where the Kwaza live, shown in yellow.

São Pedro

Guaporé

Tubarão-Latundê

Vilhena

recorded in audio and video formats in August 2014, as part of a documentation project funded through the DoBeS programme.The story has been transcribed and analyzed with the help of Mario Aikanã, a bilingual native speaker of Kwaza and Aikanã who, like most Indians of southeastern Rondônia, also has full command of Portuguese.

The story of Grandfather Fox takes place in mythological times. In those days, animals transformed themselves into humans at will. Grandfather Fox is a very smart animal who has many tricks up his sleeve. In this story, he takes advantage of a young woman after finding out about her plans for the next day. One of the lessons of this and several other traditional stories is that one should avoid

### 10 Kwaza

speaking about one's plans for the future, so as not to attract adversity. The Aikanã also tell a mythological Fox story (chapter 11 in this volume) and, although it is quite different from the Kwaza version, it has a similar edifying message on the danger of referring to future plans. In spite of the enormous cultural and ecological changes that the Kwaza and Aikanã peoples have undergone during the 20th century, this taboo is also still very much part of their present way of life.

Kwaza is a morphologically complex, polysynthetic, suffixing language. Its word order is relatively free. Its word classes are verbs, nouns, adverbs and particles. The only obligatory part of a complete sentence is a verb, which takes inflectional suffixes expressing person and mood, in that order. Person inflections do not seem to be etymologically related to personal pronouns, which are used for disambiguation or emphasis. The person marking system distinguishes inclusive and exclusive first person plural, both inflectionally and pronominally. Third person has zero expression morphologically. There are two sets of mood inflections, distinguishing matrix clause moods such as declarative and interrogative from subordinate clause moods such as conditional, concessional, and cosubordinate. The language has a very productive arsenal of derivational suffixes, which include classifiers, directionals, valency changing morphemes, and nominalizers. Even though the language's morphological complexity is mainly located in its verb forms, nouns can also be morphologically highly complex due to recursive verbalizing and nominalizing operations. A comprehensive description of the language is van der Voort (2004).

From a linguistic point of view, the Fox story largely reflects the typical grammatical structure of traditional narratives in Kwaza. In principle, the entire story is one long sentence, each chained clause being either in a subordinate mood or in a cosubordinate mood. The story then ends with a fixed formulaic expression in a matrix mood, typically the declarative. If matrix moods are encountered inside the story they usually represent quotations, and either these are followed by a verb of saying in a cosubordinative mood or a cosubordinative mood marker is attached directly to the quoted part. Another characteristic of Kwaza text grammar is anticipatory switch-reference, which indicates that the subject — or perhaps rather the topic — to be foregrounded in the following clause is different from that of the current clause. These rules of thumb also hold for the present text, although some exceptions, indicated in footnotes, can be observed. Finally, many cases of morphological ellipsis can be found in the text, where either the verb stem or the verbal inflection is omitted. Such omitted elements can often be understood from the context, but in some cases verb stem ellipsis signals a quotative construction.

### H. van der Voort, Edileusa Kwaza, Zezinho Kwaza, Mario Aikanã

The story is transcribed in the first line in accordance with a practical orthography that was developed for use and established in 2002 by the speakers of Kwaza. The transcription is then segmented morphologically in the second line and glossed in the third line, while the fourth and fifth lines contain free translations into English and Portuguese respectively. Zezinho's responses are indicated by [brackets]. The <y> corresponds to IPA [j], and the <'> corresponds to IPA [ʔ]. The only exception to the practical orthography concerns IPA [ɛ], which is spelled here as <ɛ> instead of <ee>.

### **2 Hakai dariya**

### **'Grandfather Fox' 'Vovô Raposa'**<sup>1</sup>

(1) *hakai dariya*

*hakai* grandparent *dariya* fox 'Grandfather Fox' 'Vovô Raposa'

(2) *etaɨtohoi tsɨwɨdɨte huruyalɛ arakate tya tsɨwɨdɨte tya huruyalɛta ta ata.*

*etaɨ-tohoi* woman-clf:child *tsɨwɨdɨte* girl *huruya-lɛ* like-recp *arakate* young.man *tya* cso *tsɨwɨdɨte* girl *tya* cso *huruya-lɛ-ta* like-recp-cso *ta* cso *a-ta* exist-cso

'An adolescent girl and a young man liked one another; they liked each other, that's how it was.'

'Uma moça e um rapaz novo se gostavam muito; eles se gostavam, assim viviam.'

(3) *hadeya hayanɨtsɨratiwɨ toma'i'ĩta tya anãi tyarahɨ ̃ ta tyarahɨ ̃ ta tsɨlehɨ ̃ ̃ hadeya* night *haya-nɨ-tsɨ-rati-wɨ ̃* day-refl-ger-foc-time *toma=ĩ'ĩta-tya* bathe=always-cso *a-nãi-tyara-hɨ-ta ̃* 2 exist-nmlz-proc-nmlz-cso *tyara-hɨ-ta ̃* proc-nmlz-cso *tsɨ-le-hɨ̃* ger-frust-nmlz 'Before dawn she would usually take a bath in the river, that's how she

happily lived, but …'

<sup>1</sup>Recordings of this story are available from https://zenodo.org/record/997445

10 Kwaza

'Ela costumava tomar banho no rio antes de clarear o dia, assim ela vivia feliz, porém …'

(4) *dariya tswa aretya orita tsɨwɨdɨtewã hɨdɛ ma'ɨ ̃ tɛ tomaya tyata ̃*

*dariya* fox *tswa* man *are-tya* turn-cso *orita* go.there *tsɨwɨdɨte-wã* girl-aobj *hɨdɛ̃* let's.go *ma'ɨtɛ̃* cousin *tomã-ya*<sup>3</sup> bathe-exp *tyata*

say

'Fox turned into a man and went up to the girl, saying "Let's go! Cousin, let's take a bath!"'<sup>4</sup>

'Raposa se transformou em um homem, e foi falando para a moça, dizendo "Vamos, minha prima, vamos banhar!"'

(5) *ta nãi waxonaryɨ̃wayata asata*

*ta* cso *nãi* like<sup>5</sup> *wa=xona-ryɨ̃* take=go.pathless-cld:area *waya-ta* bring-cso *asa-ta* leave-cso

'He took advantage of her and took her deep into the forest and left her there.'

'Ele então se aproveitou dela e levou ela nas profundezas do mato e deixou ela lá.'

(6) *haya damɨdɨta harɨkɨ tya tomã'etetya'ahɨ ̃ ̃hɨkwɛta*

*haya-damɨ-dɨ-ta ̃* day-want-ds-cso *harɨkɨ* now *tya* cso *tomã-ete-tya* bathe-com-cso *a-hɨ̃* exist-nmlz *hɨ=kwɛ-ta* go=enter-cso

'At dawn he<sup>6</sup> would always bathe with her, so he entered the house, saying:'

'Ao amanhecer o rapaz sempre ia tomar banho com ela, aí entrou na casa dizendo:'

<sup>2</sup>The combination -*tyarahɨtã* gives the preceding verbal or zero-verbalized stem the connotation 'luckily' or 'happily'.

<sup>3</sup>The exhortative paucal is a matrix mood. Since this is a quoted utterance, it can occur embedded in the overall cosubordinated clause chain.

<sup>4</sup>Background knowledge required here is that, every morning, the girl's cousin mentioned in line (2) calls her to come out and bathe in the river (as is clear from line (6)). Fox has found out about this and takes advantage by pretending to be the girl's cousin, while it is still dark. <sup>5</sup>The verb root *nãi*- means 'to be like, to act thus'. Here it refers to the rape of the girl.

<sup>6</sup>The real young man mentioned in line (2). Note also the different subject marker on the verb stem 'to dawn', marking discontinuity of the current topic.

### H. van der Voort, Edileusa Kwaza, Zezinho Kwaza, Mario Aikanã

(7) *hɨdɛ tomãya ma'ɨ ̃ tɛ cwatalehɨ ̃ ̃*

*hɨdɛ̃* let's.go *tomã-ya* bathe-exp *ma'ɨtɛ̃* cousin *cwata-le-hɨ̃* 7 say-frust-nmlz '"Cousin, let's take a bath!", but …' '"Prima, vamos banhar!", mas …'

(8) *mãtyate o xɨy mãtsasi bui'oyaheredalehɨtsɨ tyatata ̃ mã-tyate* mother-3poss *o* oh! *xɨy* you *mã=tsasi* call=follow *bui=oya-here-da-le-hɨ-tsɨ ̃* leave=arrive-intl-1sg-frust-nmlz-resi *tyata-ta* say-cso 'her mother said to him: "Oh! I thought you had called her already and that's why she has gone."'

'a mãe falou: "O! Pensei que você já chamou ela, e que por isso ela já foi."'

(9) *tsicwawata ahatyate tya mãtyate tya ka'awanihɨxotɛ tsɨwɨdɨte ̃*

*tsicwa-wa-ta* begin-isbj-cso *aha-tyate* father-3poss *tya* cso *mã-tyate* mother-3poss *tya* cso *ka'awanihɨ-xotɛ ̃* suffer-tr *tsɨwɨdɨte* girl

'Then her father and mother started to worry about the girl,' 'Aí, o pai e a mãe dela comecavam ficar preocupado sobre a moça,'

(10) *hedutuhɨdwata ̃*

*hedutu-hɨ-dwa-ta ̃* lose-nmlz-ids-cso

'they understood that (she) had got lost …' 'eles entenderam que ela sumiú …'

(11) *cwata tsicwawata ka'awanihɨxotɛ tsɨwɨdɨte ̃*

*cwata* say *tsicwa-wa-ta* begin-isbj-cso *ka'awanihɨ-xotɛ ̃* suffer-tr *tsɨwɨdɨte* girl

'it is said that they started to worry about the girl,' 'e dizem que comecavam ficar realmente preocupado sobre a moça,'

<sup>7</sup>The combination *cwa-ta* (isbj-cso) often occurs in narrations with the lexicalized meaning 'they say'/'it is said', and in some clear cases it has been glossed as such. The etymology of the verb root *tyata-* 'say to X' is not clear, but it probably contains the transitivizer (*-ta-*).

10 Kwaza

(12) *tya tsi'ahɨte a dukɨrinitenãiko a mãtyate lehɨ ̃ ̃*

*tya* cso *tsi'a-hɨ-te ̃* silent-nmlz-nmlz *a* exist *dukɨri-nite-nãi-ko* long.for-instr-nmlz-ins *a* exist *mã-tyate* mother-3poss *le-hɨ̃* frust-nmlz

'and they lived in sadness; her mother lived longing for her daughter, but then …'

'e eles viviam na tristeza, e a mãe vivia sentindo saudades, mas aí …'

(13) *tinãits*

*ti-nãi-tsɨ-re* what-nmlz-pot-int 'How is it again?'<sup>8</sup> 'Como que é de novo?'

(14) *kataɨ towɨna cẽrĩ tsãrãnũ'i'ĩta*

*kataɨ* agouti *towɨ-na* clearing-loc *cẽrĩ* peanut *tsãrãnũ-ĩ'ĩta* dig-always 'The agouti was in the garden digging for peanuts, as always' 'A cutia estava na roça cavocando atras de amendoim, como sempre,'

(15) *mãtyate tsɨwɨdɨtedɨhɨ̃tsɨlehɨ̃*

*mã-tyate* mother-3poss *tsɨwɨdɨte-dɨ-hɨ̃* girl-poss-nmlz *tsɨ-le-hɨ̃* ger-frust-nmlz

'the girl's mother, however …' 'mas a mãe da moça …'

(16) *tya xudɛ'oya'i'ĩta xudɛ'oya'i'ĩta*

*tya* cso *xudɛ=oya=ĩ'ĩta* offend=run=always *xudɛ=oya=ĩ'ĩta* offend=run=always

'said, while (the agouti was) harassing her and then running away time and again,'<sup>9</sup>

'falou enquanto (a cutia estava) xingando e correndo o tempo inteiro'

<sup>8</sup>This is not part of the story. Here Edileusa's memory briefly fails. She turns to Zezinho, but then immediately picks up the thread of the story again.

<sup>9</sup>When one arrives at a swidden crop field, there may be agoutis scurrying around noisily as if intending to tease the visitor.

### H. van der Voort, Edileusa Kwaza, Zezinho Kwaza, Mario Aikanã

(17) *tsuhũ xudɛ'oya'i'ĩta tsɨraire mãrɛritsaxata utexaraire ͂*

*tsũhũ* what *xudɛ=oya=ĩ'ĩta-tsɨ-rai-re* offend=run=always-ger-damn-int *mãrɛritsa-xa-ta ͂* person-2sg-cso *ute-xa-rai-re* tell-2sg-damn-int '"Why do you always harass us and run? If you were a person, I'd want you to tell us …"' '"Para que você sempre xinga a gente e corre? Se você fosse uma pessoa, eu queria que você contasse …"'

(18) *sidɨhɨ̃etohoi tiryɨ̃wayawaredata tsi'ahɨdahɨ ̃ nãrɛ ̃ tsɨ tyatawasi ͂*

*si-dɨ-hɨ̃* I-poss-nmlz *etohoi* child *ti-ryɨ̃* what-cld:area *waya-wa-re-da-ta* bring-isbj-int-1sg-cso *tsi'a-hɨ-da-hɨ ̃ -nãrɛ ̃ -tsɨ ͂* silent-nmlz-1sg-nmlz-real-resi *tyata-wa-si*<sup>10</sup> say-isbj-swr '"where they have taken my child; I'm really sad because of this," it is told …' '"para onde eles levaram a minha criança; Estou muito triste por causa disso", se conta …'

(19) *yãsitya ɛta ɛta ẽryãwãna ɛta mãtɨwã*

*yãsi-tya* hear-cso *ɛ-ta* go-cso *ɛ-ta* go-cso *ẽryãwã-na* forest-loc *ɛ-ta* go-cso *mãtɨ-wã* daughter-aobj 'He heard it and he went and went into the forest, going after the daughter.' 'Ele ouviu e ele foi e foi no mato, indo atras da filha.'

(20) *awɨydaki mãxahɨ ̃ hesi ɛhɛtara wayetanĩ tyatata ̃*

*awɨy-da-ki ̃* see-1sg-decl *mã-xa-hɨ-he-si ̃* mother-2sg-nmlz-neg-swr *ɛhɛta-ra* tell-imp *waye-ta-ni* bring.back-1sgo-exh *tyata-ta* say-cso

'[He found her.] "Apparently you saw mother, so,<sup>11</sup> tell her to bring me back!" she said to him,'

'[Achou a filha.] Ela falou: "Parece que você viu mamãe. Fala para ela que me traz de volta!"'

<sup>10</sup>The switch-reference mood indicates that there will shortly be an important turn of events.

<sup>11</sup>At this stage, Agouti has found the daughter, and she speaks to him, using what is literally a quotative construction ('Didn't you say: "I saw mother".'). The combination *hesi* or *hehɨsĩ* also means 'well, so' and is used for tail-head linkage.

10 Kwaza

(21) *watxidɨnãi ta mãrɛtata mãwã ͂ watxi-dɨnãi* true-manner *ta* say *mãrɛ-ta-ta ͂* appear-tr-cso<sup>12</sup> *mã-wã* mother-aobj '"Explain correctly to mother …'" '"Explica bem para mamãe …"'

(22) *mĩw arwenãdɨxalɛ sidule waidɨnãixalɛ*

*mĩu* chicha<sup>13</sup> *arwenã-dɨ-xa-lɛ* prepare-caus-2sg-prec *si-du-le* I-ber-only *wai-dɨnãi-xa-lɛ* good-manner-2sg-prec '"when you prepare it, make proper *chicha* only for me …"' '"quando preparar, faz chicha de verdade para mim …"'

(23) *aɨhɨ̃tswa dariyaxwadule tẽityadɨnãixalɛ tsukuxotɛxahɨ̃*

*aɨ-hɨ̃* that-nmlz *tswa* man *dariya-xwa-du-le* fox-clf:man-ber-only *tẽitya-dɨnãi-xa-lɛ* alone-manner-2sg-prec *tsuku-xotɛ-xa-hɨ̃* chew-tr-2sg-nmlz '"and you mix separately for the fox-man only …"' '"e para o homem raposa só,…"'

(24) *yerexwanũ kurakuranũ xalɛ tsukuxalɛ*

*yerexwa-nũ* jaguar-clf:powder *kurakura-nũ* chicken-clf:powder *xa-lɛ* 2sg-prec *tsuku-xa-lɛ* chew-2sg-prec '"you mix in dog shit and chicken poop …"' '"você mistura bosta de cachorro e bosta de galinha …"'

(25) *tẽityadɨnãi kudɨna dokwɛdɨwayanɨxalɛ sidule ̃*

*tẽitya-dɨnãi* alone-manner-2sg-prec *kudɨ-na* calabash-loc *do=kwɛ-dɨ* pour=enter-caus *waya-nɨ-xa-lɛ ̃ si-du-le*

bring-refl-2sg-prec I-ber-only

'"you put it inside a calabash by itself and bring it to me …'"

'"você mistura e coloque numa cabaça separada e traz para mim, e separado …"'

<sup>12</sup>The transitivizer is probably lexicalized yielding the meaning 'to explain'.

<sup>13</sup>In the cultures of several indigenous peoples of Rondônia, *chicha* is a lightly alcoholic fermented beverage usually based on yam, manioc, or maize.

### H. van der Voort, Edileusa Kwaza, Zezinho Kwaza, Mario Aikanã

(26) *tẽityanãi dokwɛxalɛ kataɨdule emɛ͂tsẽimɛ͂*

*tẽitya-nãi* alone-nmlz *do=kwɛ-xa-lɛ* pour=enter-2sg-prec *kataɨ-du-le* agouti-ber-only *e-mɛ͂* ø-clf:porridge *tsẽi-mɛ͂* one-clf:porridge '"and for Agouti you separately put in maize porridge …"' '"para Cutia você coloque bagaço de milho,"'

(27) *tẽityanãilɛ wayanɨxalɛ wayetatsɨtse tyata daheretsɨlɛ ̃ tẽitya-nãi-lɛ* alone-nmlz-prec *waya-nɨ-xa-lɛ ̃* bring-refl-2sg-prec *waye-ta-tsɨ-tse*<sup>14</sup> bring.back-1sgo-pot-decl *tyata* say *da-here-tsɨ-lɛ*<sup>15</sup> 1sg-intl-pot-prec '"and you bring it to me," I think she said.'


*watxile* finally *haya-dɨ-ta* day-ds-cso *tsãtxa* scatter *atxitxi* maize *cwata* say

'And then on the next day mother (went up onto the storage platform and) dropped maize (cobs) on the ground, so …' 'No dia seguinte a mãe (subiu no paiol e) derrubou (espigas de) milho no chão, aí …'

(29) *arwenãwata waya horomũtya wayata*

*arwenã-wa-ta* prepare-isbj-cso *waya* bring *horo-mũ-tya* finish-clf:liquid-cso *waya-ta* bring-cso 'she finished preparing the *chicha* and went to take it there.' 'ela aprontou a chicha e levou lá.'

(30) *karɛxu katsucwata xalɛ axehɨ ͂ tse ̃*

*karɛxu͂* dry.heartwood *katsu-cwa-ta* cross-isbj-cso *xa-lɛ* 2sg-prec *axe-hɨ-tse ̃* find-nmlz-decl

'"If you go across a dry log" she would meet (her daughter),'

'"Quando você travessa um pau cerno," ela ia encontrar (a filha),'

<sup>14</sup>The declarative mood is a matrix mood. Here it marks the end of a chain of quoted utterances

that started with (20) and that is embedded in the general cosubordinate clause chain by *tyata*.

<sup>15</sup>This clause in the first person singular represents a metatextual remark by Edileusa.

10 Kwaza


*watxile* finally *karɛxu͂* dry.heartwood *katsu-tya* cross-cso *ta* cso *xareya-wa-ta* search-isbj-cso *axe-hɨ-tya ̃* 16 find-nmlz-cso *tsadwɛ-nɛ*

onto.path-dir:hither

'Later, crossing the dry log, they<sup>17</sup> then searched and got back onto the path.'

'Mais tarde, ela com a sua família toda travessaram o cerno, procuraram e sairam na estrada de novo.'

(33) *itso'ɨiri tatsitswa bu'aruryɨ̃aruxe aɨhɨ̃tsɨwɨdɨtewã*

*itso'ɨi-ri-tatsitswa* liana-clf:flat-dir:backside *bu=aruryɨ̃* put=leave *aru-xe* place-clf:leaf *aɨ-hɨ̃* that-nmlz *tsɨwɨdɨte-wã* girl-aobj 'There, under a huge vine, was that girl, where she had been left sitting (by Fox).' 'Alí, em baixo de um cipozeiro (Raposa) tinha deixado a moça sentada.'

(34) *etaɨ etsɨratihɨ̃kudɨnũwata*

*etaɨ* woman *e-tsɨ-rati-hɨ̃* have-ger-foc-nmlz *ku-dɨ-nũ-wa-ta* insert-caus-clf:powder-isbj-cso

'The thing that a woman has<sup>18</sup> had been stuck in the ground …' 'A coisa que a mulher tem estava fincado em baixo da terra …'

<sup>16</sup>In the transcription, Mario replaced the instrumental marker -*ko* by the cosubordinative marker -*tya*.

<sup>17</sup>The girl's mother and the rest of her family.

<sup>18</sup>Her clitoris. Edileusa has skipped a part mentioned by Mario where, after Fox raped the girl, her clitoris grew and became long like a penis. The girl was then fixed to the ground with her clitoris, so that she could not get up and run away.

H. van der Voort, Edileusa Kwaza, Zezinho Kwaza, Mario Aikanã

(35) *txe:nũ tsãrãnũ kudɨratsanũcwasi ũryɨ̃ũxeryɨ̃*

*txe-nũ* close-clf:powder *tsãrãnũ* soil *ku-dɨ-ratsa-nũ-cwa-si* insert-caus-dir:underneath-clf:powder-isbj-swr *ũryɨ̃* sit *ũxe-ryɨ̃* remain-cld:area 'it was secured into the ground, underneath the soil where she remained sitting.' 'estava fixado no fundo da terra onde ela permaneceu sentada.'

(36) *harɨkɨ orita watxile kuidɨ aɨhɨ̃dariyaxwawã cwasi isitsɨnãixwadɨta harɨkɨ* now *orita* arrive.there *watxile* finally *kui-dɨ* drink-caus *aɨ-hɨ̃* that-nmlz *dariya-xwa-wã* fox-clf:man-aobj *cwa-si isi-tsɨ-nãixwa-dɨ-ta*

isbj-swr die-ger-simu-ds-cso

'Now, when they arrived, they gave Fox that drink, and he seemed to get drunk.'

'Aí, quando chegaram eles deram aquela bebida para Raposa, e parecia que ele ficou bêbado.'

(37) *watxile duwata yeyedaratuwata ehɨtyatewã cwata ̃*

*watxile* finally *du-wa-ta* all-isbj-cso *ye~ye=daratu-wa-ta* dig~dig=to.after-isbj-cso *e-hɨ-tyate-wã ̃* have-nmlz-3poss-aobj *cwa-ta*

isbj-cso

'Then all (the family) got together and started digging after her thing.' 'Aí, eles todos se juntaram e começavam cavocando atrás a coisa da menina.'

(38) *yewata yewata lonã yecwata oyahaɨryɨlɛ dɨcwasi ̃*

*ye-wa-ta* dig-isbj-cso *ye-wa-ta* dig-isbj-cso *lonã* hole *ye-cwa-ta* dig-isbj-cso *oya=haɨ-ryɨ-le ̃* arrive=final-cld:area-only *dɨ-cwa-si* cut-isbj-swr

'They dug and dug a hole and dug and (by accident) cut it off at the very end …'<sup>19</sup>

<sup>19</sup>As Mario explains, the part of the girl's clitoris that stayed in the ground turned later into a caecilian, known in Portuguese as "cobra-cega" (*Gymnophiona*), or an amphisbaenian worm lizard, known in Portuguese as "cobra-de-duas-cabeças" (*Amphisbaenidae*).

10 Kwaza

'Cavocaram e cavocaram um buraco e no fundo eles cortaram (acidentalmente) o finalzinho da coisa …'

(39) *cwata waye etaɨ cwata wɛ'ɨhɨ̃cwasi*

*cwa-ta* isbj-cso *waye* bring.back *etaɨ* woman *cwa-ta* isbj-cso *wɛ-ɨ-hɨ ̃ ̃* carry-att-nmlz *cwa-si* isbj-swr 'then they took her and brought her back …' 'aí levaram ela e trouxeram de volta …'

(40) *etaɨ dɨcwahɨ̃txuhũitsɨhɨle karitsutɨ areki cwarati ̃*

*etaɨ* woman *dɨ-cwa-hɨ̃* cut-isbj-nmlz *txuhũi-tsɨ-hɨ-le ̃* small-ger-nmlz-only *karitsutɨ* worm.lizard *are-ki* turn-decl *cwa-rati*<sup>20</sup>

isbj-foc

'only the woman's small cut-off part (which stayed behind) turned into a worm lizard, that is what they say.'

'somente aquele pequeno pedaço cortado ficou para trás e virou numa cobra-cega, é que dizem.'

(41) *hm*

[response from Zezinho:] 'Hm.' [resposta do Zezinho:] 'Hm.'

(42) *cwata etaɨle wɛ axɨna cwata*

*cwa-ta* isbj-cso *etaɨ-le* woman-only *wɛ* carry *axɨ-na* house-loc *cwa-ta* isbj-cso 'Then they carried the woman home …' 'Aí carregaram a menina para casa …'

(43) *dariyaxwale isi mĩw kuita ta*

*dariya-xwa-le* fox-clf:man-only *isi* die *mĩu* chicha *kui-ta* drink-cso *ta* cso

'Fox got completely drunk drinking *chicha* …' 'Raposa ficou completamente bêbado da chicha …'

<sup>20</sup>The story ends provisionally with the declarative matrix mood and a fixed formulaic quotative expression ('they (say)'). However, nudged by Zezinho's minimal responses, several concluding parts are added hereafter.

(44) *wɛwata wasi aɨryɨ̃*

*wɛ-wa-ta* carry-isbj-cso *wa-si* isbj-swr *aɨ-ryɨ̃* that-cld:area 'while they were taking her there …' 'enquanto estavam levando a moça …'


woman? Did they take her back?" he said.' 'Aí, perguntou para Cutia: "Onde foi a mulher? Viu a mulher? Eles levaram ela de volta?"'

(47) *kataɨwãle tinãi mã'are tinãi tsotsotsi tĩcwahɨ̃*

*kataɨ-wã-le* agouti-aobj-only *ti-nãi* what-nmlz *mã-a-re* call-1pl.incl-int *ti-nãi* what-nmlz *tso~tsotsi* red~cotton *tĩ-cwa-hɨ̃*

spin-isbj-nmlz

'On Agouti … What did we use to call it? What is the thing for spinning cotton?'

'Na Cutia … Como a gente costumava chamar? Qual é a coisa para fazer linha de algodão?'

(48) *towɛyasi towɛyahɨ̃*

*towɛ-ya-si* break-iobj-swr *towɛ-ya-hɨ̃* break-iobj-nmlz [response from Zezinho:] 'The thing to pierce and to break off?' [resposta do Zezinho:] 'Aquele de furar e quebrar?'

10 Kwaza

(49) *tsotsotsi'ɨyniteko tsotsotsi tĩcwaratihɨkole toweyase cwasi ̃*

*tso~tsotsi-ɨi-nite-ko* red~cotton-clf:thread-instr-ins *tso~tsotsi* red~cotton *tĩ-cwa-rati-hɨ-ko-le ̃* spin-isbj-foc-nmlz-ins-only *towe-ya-se* break-iobj-clf:anus *cwa-si* isbj-swr 'With the thing for making yarn, with that very thing for spinning yarn, Fox poked Agouti in his ass and it broke off.' 'Com a coisa para tecer linha, com aquela coisa mesma, Raposa enfiou na bunda do Cutia e quebrou.'

(50) *cwahɨta kataɨ esinyũtorihɨ ̃ ̃eki tsɨnãi ewahɨtsɨ ̃*

*cwa-hɨ-ta ̃* isbj-nmlz-cso *kataɨ* agouti *esinyũ-tori-hɨ̃* tail-clf:tip-nmlz *e-ki=tsɨ-nãi* have-decl=ger-nmlz *e-wa-hɨ-tsɨ ̃* have-isbj-nmlz-resi

'That is why people say Agouti has a short tail like that.' 'Pessoal conta que é por isso que a cutia tem um rabinho curto assim.'

(51) *cwata xui wadɨcwahɨki cwahɨ ̃ ̃*

*cwa-ta* isbj-cso *xui* bag *wadɨ-cwa-hɨ-ki ̃* give-isbj-nmlz-decl *cwa-hɨ̃* isbj-nmlz

'Then it is said he was given a crochet bag,'<sup>21</sup> 'Aí a família da moça deu uma bolsa de tucum para Cutia;'

(52) *xuinyɛ͂etuna exɨitswa unãhɨ'e nãi e kataɨ cwasi ̃*

*xui-nyɛ͂* bag-clf:leaf *etu-na* back-loc *exɨitswa* fur *unã-hɨ-ẽ* long-nmlz-too *nãi* like *e* have *kataɨ* agouti *cwa-si* isbj-swr 'giving him a bag (made out of palm leaves) on his back, that is why Agouti also has long fur.' 'deram a ele uma bolsa (de fibras de tucum) e assim é que a cutia tem pêlo comprido nas costas.'

<sup>21</sup>By way of thanks, the girl gave Agouti a traditional type of crochet bag (known in local Portuguese as *marico*), the yarn of which is handmade out of the fibers of the young leaves of the *wade* 'tucuma' (*Astrocaryum tucuma*) or *hakare* 'burití' (*Mauritia flexuosa*) palm trees.

### H. van der Voort, Edileusa Kwaza, Zezinho Kwaza, Mario Aikanã

(53) *etaɨletsɨhɨ̃tsi'ahɨte ata a ta tswa aure'ɨhɨ ̃ ̃*

*etaɨ-le-tsɨ-hɨ̃* woman-only-ger-nmlz *tsi'a-hɨ-te ̃* silent-nmlz-nmlz *a-ta* exist-cso *a* exist *ta* cso *tswa* man *aure-ɨ-hɨ ̃ ̃*

marry-att-nmlz

'Only the girl remained sad (having lost a piece of herself), married to a man,'

'Aí, somente a menina ficava na tristeza (porque perdeu um pedaço), agora casou com um homem,'

(54) *harɨkɨ tswatete mãrɛritsaxwa tse cwaratihɨ ͂ tsɨ ̃*

*harɨkɨ* now *tswa-tete* man-intens *mãrɛritsa-xwa ͂* person-clf:man *tse* yes *cwa-rati-hɨ-tsɨ ̃* 22 isbj-foc-nmlz-resi 'now a real human man, they say, that's the way it is told.' 'agora um homem de verdade, dizem, assim que é contado.'

(55) *a'ayawɨ cwata unɨtetawata txarwa hakahɨ ̃ ̃awɨ*

```
a~a-ya-wɨ
exist~exist-iobj-time
                       cwa-ta
                       isbj-cso
                                unɨteta-wa-ta ̃
                                converse-isbj-cso
                                                    txarwa
                                                    first
                                                            haka-hɨ̃
                                                            old-nmlz
a-wɨ
exist-time
```
'Speaking today about our olden times,' 'Agora, falando sobre o tempo que os velhos viviam,'

(56) *tẽitya hɨhɨrwatsi tsɨwɨdɨte tyatawa mãrɛtawata cwaki cwarati ͂*

*tẽitya* alone *hɨhɨrwa-tsi* walk-mon *tsɨwɨdɨte* girl *tyata-wa* say-isbj *mãrɛ-ta-wa-ta ͂* explain-tr-isbj-cso *cwa-ki* isbj-decl *cwa-rati* isbj-foc

'they didn't let girls walk alone; they gave them advice, this is the way it is told.'

'eles não deixaram as meninas andar sozinho; eles deram conselho, assim que fizeram.'

<sup>22</sup>The last word of this sentence represents a formulaic expression that terminates the traditional story. Hereafter a few other clauses are added, in (55) and (56), explaining the norms of olden times, which also end in a formulaic expression. Then in (57) and (59) these norms are contrasted with those of the present.

10 Kwaza

(57) *txarwa txana heyahɨ̃ txarwa* first *txana* we.incl *he-ya-hɨ̃* neg-iobj-nmlz 'Nowadays we don't.'<sup>23</sup> 'Hoje, a gente não faz isso.'

(58) *hm*

[response from Zezinho:] 'Hm.' [resposta do Zezinho:] 'Hm.'

(59) *tsɨwɨdɨte xareredɨnãiko adɨ'ata*

*tsɨwɨdɨte* girl *xarere-dɨnãi-ko* crazy-manner-ins *a-dɨ-a-ta* exist-caus-1pl.incl-cso 'We let girls act crazy like that, in present day life.' 'Hoje deixamos as moças fazer bagunça, vivendo assim.'

(60) *só isso*

*a-a-hɨ̃* exist-1pl.incl-nmlz *aɨ-hɨ-le-tse ̃* 24 that-nmlz-only-decl 'That's it, just that.' 'Só isso.'

### **Acknowledgements**

Generous funding by the VolkswagenStiftung of DoBeS (Dokumentation Bedrohter Sprachen) project nr. 85.611 is hereby gratefully acknowledged.

<sup>23</sup>Lit. 'Nowadays we aren't (given advice).'

<sup>24</sup>On the original recording Edileusa ended her narrative in Portuguese by saying: *só isso* 'just that/that's it'. In the transcription Mario replaced those words by their Kwaza equivalent *a'ahɨ̃ aɨhɨletse ̃* , in order to complete the sentence — as well as the entire story — in a declarative mood.


### **Non-standard abbreviations**

### **References**

van der Voort, Hein. 2004. *A grammar of Kwaza*. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

## **Chapter 11**

## **Aikanã**

Joshua Birchall Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi

Hein van der Voort Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi

Luiz Aikanã

Cândida Aikanã

### **1 Introduction**

The story of Fox is a myth told by different peoples of the southwestern Amazon, including the Aikanã. The Aikanã people speak an isolate language, which, with about 225 speakers out of an ethnic group of around 560, is to be considered seriously endangered. The speakers of Aikanã live in two different indigenous reserves and in several towns and villages in southeastern Rondônia, Brazil, surrounded by the deforested lands of big cattle ranchers and soy farmers. The Aikanã represent the majority ethnic group in the Tubarão-Latundê reserve, which is shared with two minority populations: the Kwaza (isolate) and the Latundê (northern nambikwara). Several mixed Aikanã and Kwaza families live in another nearby reserve called Kwazá do Rio São Pedro. Although the Aikanã language is still passed on to members of the youngest generations in both indigenous reserves, knowledge of the oral and musical traditions is disappearing rapidly. In addition to the two reserves in southeastern Rondônia, there are two other reserves in the southwest and the north of Rondônia where Aikanã populations live together with other ethnic groups. The Aikanã language

Joshua Birchall, Hein van der Voort, Luiz Aikanã & Cândida Aikanã. 2017. Aikanã. In Kristine Stenzel & Bruna Franchetto (eds.), *On this and other worlds: Voices from Amazonia*, 405–438. Berlin: Language Science Press. DOI:10.5281/zenodo.885273

Figure 1: The indigenous reserves where the Aikanã live, shown in yellow.

is neither used nor remembered in those reserves, which are located far from traditional Aikanã lands.

The Aikanã language is morphologically highly complex. Most of this complexity concerns the verb, whereas fewer morphemes are used exclusively on nouns. However, due to the availability of highly productive nominalization strategies, nouns can also be morphologically complex. Aikanã has a great number of classifier and directional-like suffixes, several valency-changing suffixes, and suffixes marking tense, modality and aspect. Frequently occurring sequences of bound morphemes may become fixed with a derived meaning that is related to that of

### 11 Aikanã

the constituent parts.<sup>1</sup> There is a wealth of main clause and adverbial clause mood suffixes, and extensive clause chains can be built using a switch reference marking system similar to that of Kwaza. The person marking system involves several inflectional paradigms for subject, object, beneficiary, and reflexive functions. There are different paradigms for subject marking — some of them suffixing and one prefixing — depending on verbal classes that are not yet fully understood. Third person subjects are often unmarked. Aikanã displays a basic distinction between future and unmarked non-future tense, but there are additional past and remote future tenses. Future tense and desiderative modality canonically involve double person marking: a person marker at the end of the verb stem, just before the mood inflection, and a person marker adjacent to the verb root, which is obligatorily a first person singular or plural, expressing an embedded perspective similar to that of quotation (van der Voort 2013; 2016). Although the language isolates of Rondônia, namely Aikanã, Kanoé and Kwaza, display several similar lexical and grammatical traits, there is no compelling evidence that they should be considered genealogically related (van der Voort 2005).

The following story was told by Luiz Aikanã during his visit in June 2013 to the Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi in Belém. The story was recorded in audio and video formats as part of a documentation project funded through the DoBeS programme. After recording, the story was transcribed, analyzed and translated into Portuguese with Luiz's help. Luiz was born in 1952 and learned this and various other stories from his grandmother, *Kwã'ĩ*. He has been living and working on the Tubarão-Latundê reserve since it was officially settled in 1973. Because of his knowledge, experience and interest, he is one of the principal sources of information on Aikanã language and culture. Additional consultation on the analysis involved Cândida Aikanã, who is a native speaker of the Aikanã language with full command of Portuguese and is also a member of the DoBeS project team.

The story of Fox takes place in mythological times, when animals transformed into humans at will. As in the Kwaza story of Grandfather Fox, Fox in the Aikanã story is very smart and knows how to trick people. Also similar to the Kwaza story, Fox leads a young woman astray (and in this case her younger sister as well) after having found out about her plans for the next day. And again, the lesson of the story is that one should avoid speaking about one's plans for the future because that will attract adversity. The Aikanã story is quite different from the Kwaza one in several respects, but it similarly conveys this warning on the danger of talking about the future, which can be considered a taboo that still

<sup>1</sup>When verb roots and suffixes enter into such a bond, person markers sometimes may intervene and therefore occur as infixes in the morphemic analysis (e.g.: lines 49, 53, 82, 108).

### J. Birchall, H. van der Voort, Luiz Aikanã & Cândida Aikanã

forms part of the present way of life of the Aikanã people despite the enormous changes that they and the other indigenous peoples of Rondônia have undergone during the 20th century.

The story is presented with a rather broad phonetic transcription on the first line, and is then segmented phonologically and morphologically on the second line. The third line contains the glosses and the fourth and fifth lines contain free translations in English and Portuguese. It is worth pointing out that description of the Aikanã language is still ongoing and the analysis presented here will be further refined as this work continues to progress. Aikanã has had a native writing tradition since the late 1980s when an orthography was developed by missionaries. This orthography is used with varying success at the schools on the reserve, in Bible translation, in a recent dictionary by Silva et al. (2013) and in the present text. The <s> usually corresponds to IPA [ts], the <x> corresponds to [tʃ], the <y> corresponds to [j], the <z> often corresponds to [ð], and the <'> corresponds to [ʔ]. Vowels following a nasal consonant are usually nasalized, but this is not marked in the orthography used here. The central vowel [ɨ] and its nasal counterpart [ɨ] are allophones of the phonemes /a/ and /ã/, respectively. ̃ They occur only before an [i], but since they are part of the existing orthography they are preserved here.

### **2 Eruerazũ kyã'apa'i**

**'The story of Fox'**

### **'A História do Raposa'**<sup>2</sup>

(1) *hisa xüxü xüxüwe Kwã'ĩ kyã'arisukudiweye kyãkarekaẽ*

*hisa* 1sg *xüxü* 1sg.poss *xüxüwe* grandmother *Kwã'ĩ* Kwã'ĩ *kyã-are-isu-ku-diwe-ye* speak-poor-rem.pst-1sg.ben-pst.nmlz-obj *kyã-ka-re-ka-ẽ* speak-1sg-fut-1sg-decl 'I am going to tell a story my grandmother *Kwã'ĩ* told me.' 'Eu vou contar o que minha avó *Kwã'ĩ* contava pra mim.'

<sup>2</sup>Recordings of this story are available from https://zenodo.org/record/885240

(2) *hena detyamɨi namɨi hiku'ete kuka'i'ete wareyü̃pü he-na* then-ds *detya-mɨi* woman-dim *namɨi* cousin *hiku-ete* other-all *kuka-i-ete* tell-nmlz-all *ware-yü̃-pü* go-dir:close-ss

'Once a young woman went to talk with her cousin.' 'Daí uma moça foi falar com a prima dela.'

(3) *derinena hikiri'ikana wikere axawapata'ẽ kukaẽ*

*deri-ne-na* light-pfv-ds *hikiri-'ika-na* dark-intens-ds *wikere* peanut *a-xa-wa-pa-ta-'ẽ* uproot-1pl-dir:upwards-tr-fut-imp *kuka-ẽ* tell-decl

'"Let's go dig up peanuts early tomorrow morning early," the cousin said.' '"Vamos lá arrancar amendoim amanhã cedo," falou a prima.'

(4) *hena kadupɨi kaxata'ereĩ*

*he-na* then-ds *kadupɨi* alright *ka-xa-ta-'ere-'ẽ* do-1pl-rem.fut-hort-imp '"OK, let's do it," (the girl replied).' '"Está bem, vamos fazer," (a moça respondeu).'

(5) *hena hepü ka'yareyada eruera anapayü̃zadeare*

*he-na* then-ds *he-pü* say-ss *ka-'ya-re-yada* 1sg-come-fut-reas *eruera* fox *anapa-yü̃za-de-are*

listen-dir:next-dir:outside-infr

'"Then I'll come back," (she replied), but Fox was listening through the wall.'

'"Então vou voltar," (ela respondeu), mas o Raposa estava escutando elas através da parede.'

(6) *anapayü̃zadepü kãwãyada hikiri'ikana*

*anapa-yü̃za-de-pü* listen-dir:next–dir:outside-ss *kãwã-yada* be.like-reas *hikiri-ika-na* dark-intens-ds 'He was listening from behind the wall, it was very dark.' 'Ele estava escutando atrás da parede bem de manhã cedo.'

### J. Birchall, H. van der Voort, Luiz Aikanã & Cândida Aikanã

(7) *derinena hikiri'ikana mẽyãpü tawĩmeata'ẽ kukaẽ*

*deri-ne-na* light-pfv-ds *hikiri-'ika-na* dark-intens-ds *mẽ-yã-pü* 2sg-come-is *tawĩ-me-a-ta-'ẽ* await-2sg-1sg-fut-imp *kuka-ẽ* tell-decl

'"So you come get me early morning tomorrow!" the girl said.' '"Então você me chama amanhã cedo!" a moça falou.'

(8) *hepü hukadupɨi hepü xünehepü*

*he-pü* then-ss *hukadupɨi* alright *he-pü* then-ss *xüne-he-pü* return-3sg-ss '"OK," the cousin said and left.' '"OK," a prima falou, e foi embora.'

(9) *hena zune iriane*

*he-na* then-ds *zune* night *iriane* middle 'Then in the middle of the night …' 'Daí no meio da noite…'

(10) *derikanerena mɨitü ɨitüderine*

*deri-ka-ne-re-na* day-1sg-pfv-fut-ds *mɨitü* only *ɨitü-deri-ne* be.different-nmlz-emph

'It was going to be dawn soon.' 'Estava querendo amanhecer ainda.'

(11) *yã'i eruera apa'ixüte*

*yã-i* come-nmlz *eruera* fox *apa-ixüte* say-rep 'Fox came, they say.' 'O Raposa veio, disseram.'

(12) *eruera yãpü*

*eruera* fox *yã-pü* come-ss 'Fox came.' 'O Raposa veio.'


*tawã-xa-pü* what-1pl-ss *ka-xa-ta-i* do-1pl-fut-int *kuka-ẽ* tell-decl '"Why do we have to go now?"' '"Porque temos que fazer agora?"'


### J. Birchall, H. van der Voort, Luiz Aikanã & Cândida Aikanã


*he-dupana* say-temp *purikɨi-'ene-ke* flute-col-also *bubu-'he-'ĩwã* dance-3-admon *tãwã-xea-pü* what-1pl-ss *ware-xa-ti* go-1pl-fut.int *kuka-ẽ*

tell-decl

'But when he said that, the girl said, "The musicians are also dancing, how shall we get past?"'<sup>3</sup>

'Mas na hora que ele falou isso, a menina respondeu, "Os músicos estão dançando ainda, como é que vamos passar?"'

<sup>3</sup>At this point, men are still playing flutes and dancing, which lasts all night. In accordance with traditional custom, women are not allowed to witness the event and see or even hear the flutes, which are sacred.

(24) *hinaẽ kapü xarükanapɨire'ẽ*

*hina-ẽ* no-decl *ka-pü* do-ss *xa-rüka-napai-re-'ẽ* 1pl-dir:around-clf:forest-fut-imp '"No, we'll go around them through the brush (behind the house)."' '"Não, vamos desviar pelo mato (atrás da casa)."'


### J. Birchall, H. van der Voort, Luiz Aikanã & Cândida Aikanã

(30) *mamaderi kãwãyada tanimɨiye keapa'ẽĩ deri zãme mama'ĩ diarekaẽ mama-deri* mother-3.poss *kãwã-yada* be.like-reas *tanimɨi-ye* sister-obj *kea-pa-'ẽ* get-tr-imp *deri* light *zãme* today *mama'ĩ* chicha *dia-re-ka-ẽ* 1sg-fut-1sg-decl 'Her mother said, "In that case, bring your little sister. I am going to make *chicha* today."'<sup>4</sup> , 5 'A mãe dela falou, "Então leva sua irmãzinha, vou fazer chicha hoje."' (31) *yoayoakuka'isuwate'ẽ*

*yoa~yoa-kuka-isuwate-'ẽ* cry~cry-clf:body-hab-decl '"She is always crying."' '"Ela fica chorando."'


*tanimɨi-deri-ye* sister-3.poss-obj *deü-edika-pü* put.heavy-clf:back-ss *yãw'ẽ* let's.go.imp 'She put her little sister on her back and "Let's go!" (she said).' 'Ela colocou a irmãzinha nas costas e "Vamos embora!" (ela falou).'

(34) *hikadepapü. hepü hikiri'ine*

*hika-de-pa-pü.* leave-dir:outside-tr-ss *he-pü* then-ss *hikiri-'i-ne* dark-nmlz-loc

'She went outside. It was dark.' 'Ela saiu pra fora. Já escureceu.'

<sup>4</sup> In Rondônia, this is usually a lightly alcoholic drink based on boiled fermented maize, manioc or yams, which is prepared by women. Elsewhere it is also known as *kashiri* or *caxiri*.

<sup>5</sup>The form *deri* is a false start: the narrator begins to say *derinena* 'at daybreak' (lit. 'light-pfvds') but then corrects himself, saying *zãme* 'today'.


'"Mas onde que é?" ela perguntou. "Nossa, está longe ainda. Fica longe." ele respondeu.'


'"Como é que nós paremos aqui? Poxa, é sombração que está mexendo com a gente."'

(46) *namɨi kayareapɨite'i namɨi* cousin *ka-ya-re-a-pa-i-te'i* 1sg-come-fut-1sg.obj-tr-nmlz-emph '"I thought it was my cousin!"' '"Pensei que era minha prima!"'

(47) *he'ẽ kapü ã'apakukaẽ*

*he-'ẽ* say-decl *ka-pü* do-ss *ã-'a-pa-kuka-ẽ* think-3sg.refl-tr-clf:body-decl 'She went on thinking and became sad.' 'Ela foi pensando e ficou triste.'

(48) *nake tãwã ãanaẽ kapü hina'ĩ'ẽ nake* cond *tãwã* what *ã-a-na-ẽ* think-1sg.obj-neg-decl *ka-pü* do-ss *hina-'ĩ-'ẽ* no-nmlz-decl '"What can I do? There is nothing."' '"Como que posso fazer? Não podemos fazer nada."'

(49) *hena'ẽ zamiya hiku is'ideri dukanuẽ hepü yoa hena-'ẽ* quiet-imp *zamiya* now *hiku* other *ise-'i-deri* small-nmlz-nmlz *d-u<ka>nu-ẽ* 1sg-hungry<1sg>-decl *he-pü* say-ss *yoa* cry 'The little one was crying from hunger.'

'A outra pequena estava chorando de fome.'

(50) *he'ẽ kapü kɨine hiku ti'iweke ũnenudupa*

*he-'ẽ* say-decl *ka-pü* do-ss *kɨine* 3sg *hiku* other *ti'iwe-ke* grow-com *ũ<ne>nu-dupa* hungry<pfv>-conc 'The grown one also had gotten hungry but (she held on).' 'A outra grande também estava com fome mas aguentou.'

(51) *tãwã'ãnaẽ he'ẽ yoaẽ*

*tãwã-'ã-na-ẽ* what-impers-neg-decl *he-'ẽ* say-decl *yoa-ẽ* cry-decl '"What can one do?" she said. "She is crying."' '"O que pode fazer?" ela falou. "Ela está chorando."' (52) *eruerazũ mamaderi*

*eruera-zũ* fox-poss *mama-deri* mother-3.poss 'Now Fox's mother (comments):' 'Agora a mãe do Raposa (comenta):'

(53) *dukanuẽ ũnenuxaẽ he'ẽ yoayoaredukari'ĩwã*

*d-u<ka>nu-ẽ* 1sg-hungry<1sg>-decl *ũ<ne>nu-xa-ẽ* hungry<pfv>-1pl-decl *he'ẽ* say-decl *yoa~yoa-are-dukari-'ĩwã* cry~cry-poor-3pl-admon '"The poor dears are crying 'I am hungry, we are hungry.'"' '"Os coitados estão chorando 'Estou com fome, estamos com fome.'"'

(54) *tara kawhepire'ẽ eyepü kawa'ĩ*

*tara* what *kaw-he-pi-re-'ẽ* eat-3-proc-fut-imp *eye-(na)-pü* 3pl.obj-(neg)-ss *kawa-'ĩ* be-int

'"Why didn´t he find something for them to eat first?" (the mother thought).'

'"Porque não procurou uma coisa pra eles comerem primeiro?" (a mãe pensou).'


*kawa-yada* be-reas *xoa-ka-rüpe-re-ka-ẽ* see-1sg-dir:ground-fut-1sg-decl *urikɨi* food *he-pü* say-ss *hika-de-'ẽ* leave-dir:outside-decl 'So he said "I will look for food," and left.' 'Então ele falou "Vou procurar comida," e saiu pra fora.'

(57) *hikadepü kapü wã'apaderi'ete yü̃'eyeẽ kapü*

*hika-de-pü* leave-dir:outside-ss *ka-pü* do-ss *wã-'apaderi-'ete* live-act.nmlz-all *yü̃-'eye-ẽ* dir:close-3pl.obj-decl *ka-pü* do-ss 'He went outside and left for where the girls' parents lived.'

'Ele saiu para onde o povo morava.'


*na-suna-pa-ẽ* bring-dir:hither-tr-decl *wã-deri-'ete* live-nmlz-all *du-xü-pa-ne-pü* dir:in-dir:return-tr-pfv-ss *hiba-'eye-nake-dupa* give-3pl.obj-cond-conc *ka-pü* do-ss

'He brought those home, and entering into their residence, gave (the food) to the children, however …'

'Ele trouxe de volta pra casa e entrou dentro da residência e deu (a comida) para elas, mas…'

(61) *haradukarinake hara-dukari-nake* not.want-3pl-cond 'They really didn't want anything.'

'Elas não queriam mesmo.'

### J. Birchall, H. van der Voort, Luiz Aikanã & Cândida Aikanã

(62) *haradukarinake tãwãanaẽ kapü*

*hara-dukari-nake* not.want-3pl-cond *tãwã-a-na-ẽ* what-impers-neg-decl *ka-pü* do-ss '"They didn't want anything, now what can one do?"' '"Não queriam, mas fazer o quê?"'


(67) *hü'anɨi apaduri'iwa he'ẽ kukana*

*hü'a-na-i* good-neg-nmlz *apa-dukari-'iwa* find-3pl-admon *he-'ẽ* say-decl *kuka-na* tell-ds

'"They are suffering," she said to him.' '"Estão sofrendo," ela falou para ele.'

<sup>6</sup>Domestic(ated) animals are not eaten, even if the same animals would represent game in the wild context.

11 Aikanã


*tara* what *hü'a-'i-ye* good-nmlz-obj *ta-ke-pe-we'eye-'ẽ* shoot-3-clf:round-3pl.ben-imp *kuka-ẽ* tell-decl '"Kill something good for them!" she told him.' '"Mata coisa boa pra elas!" ela falou para ele.'

(70) *kadupɨi kayapitaẽ*

*kadupɨi* alright *ka-ya-pita-ẽ* 1sg-go-proc-decl '"OK, then I'll go," and he left.' '"Está bem, já vou então," e ele foi.'

(71) *hikadepü iza izapa'apü wã'apa'i'ete hidüka'eye'i apa'ixüte*

*hika-de-pü* leave-dir:outside-ss *iza* far *iza-pa-'a-pü* far-tr-impers-ss *wã-apa'i-ete* live-act.nmlz-all *h-idüka-eye-'i* 3sg-dir:thither-3pl.obj-nmlz *apa-'ixüte* tell-rep

'He left the house and went to an inhabited place very far away, they say.' 'Ele saiu de casa e foi para uma moradia que fica bem longe, eles dizem.'

(72) *hidüka'eyepü tarawã pu'apaderiye kapü hãekepepü*

*h-idüka-'eye-pü* 3sg-dir:thither-3pl.obj-ss *tara-wã* what-?<sup>7</sup> *pu-'apaderi-ye* raise-act.nmlz-obj *ka-pü* do-ss *hãe<ke>pe-pü* grab<3sg>-ss

'He went there far away and got what people were raising.' 'Ele foi lá longe e pegou o que o pessoal estava criando.'

<sup>7</sup>The uninterpretable form *-wã* is apparently a slip of the tongue.

### J. Birchall, H. van der Voort, Luiz Aikanã & Cândida Aikanã


*ĩwã-are-na* like.that-poor-ds *ka-xü-pa-ne-'eyã-re-'ẽ* 1sg-dir:return-tr-pfv-2pl.obj-fut-decl *mama-deri* mother-3.poss *he-pü* say-ss '"How unfortunate, let me bring you back!" his mother said to the girls.'

'"Coitadas! Eu vou levar vocês de volta!" a mãe dele falou para as meninas.'

(75) *eruerazũ mamaderi eyepü hina'ĩ hü'anɨi'apazaẽ*

*eruera-zũ* fox-poss *mama-deri* mother-3.poss *eye-pü* 3pl.obj-ss *hina-'ĩ* no-nmlz *hü'a-na-i* good-neg-nmlz *h-apa-za-ẽ* 2-find-pl-decl

'Fox's mother said to them, "You are suffering."' 'A mãe do Raposa falou, "Vocês estão sofrendo."'


*ka-xü-pa-ne-'eyã-re-'ẽ* 1sg-dir:return-tr-pfv-2pl.obj-fut-decl *eye-pü* 3pl.obj-ss

'"Let me bring you back!" she said to them.'

'"Eu vou levar vocês de volta", falou pra elas.'

(78) *hapükika'eyepü hikadepa'eyepü*

*hapü-ke-ika-'eye-pü* hold-3-clf:finger-3pl.obj-ss *hika-de-pa-'eye-pü* leave-dir:outside-tr-3pl.obj-ss 'She took them by the hand and left.' 'Ela segurou a mão delas e levou para fora.'

(79) *katemɨi nuxupane'enunu*

*kate-mɨi* there-dim *nu-xu-pa-ne'e-nunu* come-dir:return-tr-ite-mir 'Now they were arriving close to home again.' 'Estavam chegando perto de casa.'


*pu-idepe-na* go.pl-dir:garden-ds '"They are walking over there …"' '"Estão andando por aí …"'

(82) *ite hüridawaperekaẽ ite darüpa'eyã'ẽ eyepü*

*ite* here *hüri<da>wa-pe-re-ka-ẽ* return<1sg.refl>-?-fut-1sg-decl *ite* here *darüpa-'eyã-'ẽ* stay.pl-2pl.obj-decl *eye-pü* 3pl.obj-ss '"From here I will return and you stay put," she told them.' '"Daqui eu vou voltar e vocês ficam," ela falou pra elas.'

(83) *hiba mama baba'i'ene yoayoahedukariẽ*

*hiba* this *mama* mother *baba-'i-'ene* father-nmlz-col *yoa~yoa-he-dukari-ẽ* cry~cry-3-3pl-decl 'Well, the mother and father were crying.' 'Daí a mãe e o pai estavam chorando.'

(84) *ite katemɨiyana*

*ite* here *katemɨi* close *yã-na* come-ds 'They were coming close.' 'A mãe e o pai estavam chegando perto delas.'

(85) *mama baba memekuka'ana*

*mama* mother *baba* father *bee-me-kuka-a-na* arrive-2sg-clf:body-1sg.obj-ds '"(When you call them) "Mother, father, come to me."" (Fox's mother explained).' '"(Quando chama eles) "Mãe, pai, vem para cá."" (a mãe do Raposa explicou).'

(86) *wareyã'ẽyãpü pane'ẽyãta'ẽ*

*ware-yã-ẽyã-pü* go-come-2pl.obj-ss *pane-ẽyã-ta-'ẽ* bring-2pl.obj-rem.fut-decl '"And when they come to you, they will take you home."' '"Quando chegarem, vão levar vocês pra casa."'

(87) *ite hüridawaperekaẽ hepü*

*ite* here *hüri<da>wa-pe-re-ka-ẽ* return<1sg.refl>-?-fut-1sg-decl *he-pü* say-ss '"Here I will return back," she said.' '"Daqui eu vou voltar pra trás," ela falou.'

(88) *hepü daedaedɨikasa'eyena he-pü* say-ss *dae~dae-dɨika-sa-'eye-na* walk~walk-dir:remain-mal-3pl.obj-ds 'She walked back behind them.' 'Ela voltou por trás delas.'

(89) *darüpaena darüpaẽ darüpa-e-na* stay.pl-well-ds *darüpa-ẽ* stay.pl-decl 'They stayed there for a while.' 'Ficaram um tempo lá.'


(92) *hena tawĩhedupana baba baba mama mama*

*he-na* then-ds *tawĩ-he-dupana* await-3-temp *baba* father *baba* father *mama* mother *mama* mother 'Then they called out, "Father! Father! Mother! Mother!"' 'Dai elas chamaram, "Papai! Papai! Mamãe! Mamãe!"'

(93) *erüarekũyẽi hepü xoahenunu*

*erüare-kũyã-i* feel.sorry-1pl.ben-nmlz *he-pü* say-ss *xoa-he-nunu* see-3-mir

'The parents said, "Our poor dears!" as they saw them.' 'Os pais falaram, "Nossas coitadas!" quando viram elas.'

(94) *darüpa'aredukarina*

*darüpa-are-dukari-na* stay.pl-poor-3pl-ds 'The poor kids are sitting there.' 'As coitadas estão lá.'

(95) *erüarekumɨizɨi eyepü yoa'eyepü yoahepü*

*erüare-kuma-i-za-i* feel.sorry-poor-nmlz-assoc-nmlz *eye-pü* 3pl.obj-ss *yoa-'eye-pü* cry-3pl.obj-ss *yoa-he-pü* cry-3-ss '"You poor little things," they said to them, crying.' '"Coitado de vocês," falou para elas chorando.'

### J. Birchall, H. van der Voort, Luiz Aikanã & Cândida Aikanã


*eruera* fox *urume-ka-re-pü* transform-1sg-fut-ss *hameri* already *wãedi* tail *te-he* have-3sg *hiku* other *te-he* have-3sg *kyã-'i-'apa'i*

speak-nmlz-act.nmlz

'One was changing into a fox and was already sprouting a tail, and the other one as well, that's what the story says.'

'Uma estava se transformando em raposa e já estava nascendo rabo, e a outra também. É assim que a história conta.'

(98) *kawãdupa yãw'ẽ he'eyepü hapükika'eyepü*

*kawã-dupa* be.like-conc *yãw'ẽ* let's.go.imp *he-'eye-pü* say-3pl.obj-ss *hapü-ke-ika-'eye-pü* hold-3-clf:hand-3pl.obj-ss

'"Even so, let's leave," the parents said to them, and they held hands.' '"Mesmo assim vamos embora," falou para elas, e segurou as mãos delas.'

(99) *pane'eyepü*

*pane-'eye-pü* bring-3pl-ss 'They brought them along.' 'Levaram elas.'

(100) *keza'ete wareduxüpane'eyena kapü zamiya hena*

*keza-'ete* house-all *ware-du-xü-pane-'eye-na* go-dir:in-dir:return-bring-3pl.obj-ds *ka-pü* do-ss *zamiya* now *he-na* then-ds

'They entered the house with them, but …' 'Entraram na casa com elas, mas…'

(101) *hameri eruera urumekareheyada kapü hina'ĩ hameri* already *eruera* fox *urume-ka-re-he-yada* transform-1sg-fut-reas *ka-pü* do-ss *hina-ĩ* no-nmlz 'Since they were already becoming foxes it was no good.' 'Agora que já se transformaram em raposas, não foi bem.'

### 11 Aikanã

(102) *hadite'ete büxuheku'ẽ kukana hadite-'ete* shaman-all *büxu-he-ku-'ẽ* cure-3-1sg.ben-imp *kuka-na* tell-ds 'Father told the shaman, "Cure them for me!"' 'O pai pediu ao pajé, "Cura elas para mim!"'


*arere-ke-kuka-he-pü* blow-3-clf:body-3sg-ss

'He blew on and cleansed the body.'<sup>8</sup> 'Ele assoprou e limpou o corpo.'

(105) *keapü dupakapü*

*kea-pü* get-ss *dupa* really *ka-pü* do-ss 'He did it just like this.' 'Ele fez assim mesmo.'

(106) *wɨiwɨimezakukane'eta'ẽ kukaẽ*

*wɨiwɨi-meza-ku-ka-ne-'eta-'ẽ* repeat-2sg.caus-1sg.ben-tr-pfv-rem.fut-imp *kuka-ẽ* tell-decl '"You must do that again for me," (the father) said to him.' '"Repete mais uma vez para mim," (o pai) falou pra ele.'

(107) *zamiya mama'ĩ mama'ĩkea'ẽ detyaderi'ete kukapü zamiya* now *mama'ĩ* chicha *mama'ĩ-kea-'ẽ* chicha-3-imp *detya-deri-'ete* woman-3.poss-all *kuka-pü* tell-ss '"Now make chicha!" he told his wife.' '"Daí faz chicha então!" ele falou para sua esposa.'

<sup>8</sup>The process of sucking and blowing away maladies is a central part of Aikanã shamanic healing and is a common practice among many lowland South American groups.

### J. Birchall, H. van der Voort, Luiz Aikanã & Cândida Aikanã

(108) *hisa zamumuye tara ari'iye takawaparekaẽ hadite kawhepü*

*hisa* 1sg *zamumu-ye* patawa.larva-obj *tara* what *ãri'i-ye* mamuí.larva-obj *ta<ka>wa-pa-re-ka-ẽ* break<1sg>-tr-fut-1sg-decl *hadite* shaman *kaw-he-pü* eat-3-ss

'"I am going to get some patawá and mamuí larvae for the shaman to eat."'<sup>9</sup>

'"Eu vou tirar coró de patauá e de mamuí para o pajé comer."'

(109) *ü'ükekukakũyare'ẽ wãwã'iye detyaderi'ete kukapü*

*ü'ü-ke-kuka-kũya-re-'ẽ* save-3-clf:body-1pl.ben-fut-imp *wãwã'i-ye* child-obj *detya-deri-'ete* woman-3.poss-all *kuka-pü* tell-ss

'"He will fix the bodies of the children for us," he said to his wife.' '"Ele vai concertar o corpo das crianças para nós," falou para a mulher dele.'

(110) *babaderi daedaena'ĩ daedaenapü*

*baba-deri* father-3.poss *dae~dae-na-'ĩ* walk~walk-go-nmlz *dae~dae-na-pü* walk~walk-go-ss

'Her father went walking (in the forest).' 'O pai delas foi andando (no mato).'

(111) *zamumuye takewapü*

*zamumu-ye* patawá.larva-obj *ta<ke>wa-pü* break<3>-ss

'He removed patawá larvae (from the wood).' 'Ele tirou coró de patauá.'

<sup>9</sup>The indigenous peoples of Rondônia cultivate the protein-rich larvae of specific beetle species by cutting down patawa (*Oenocarpus bataua*) or buriti (*Mauritia flexuosa*) palm trees and wild papaya (*Jaracatia spinosa*, in Portuguese *mamuí*) trees, leaving them to be eaten from the inside by these larvae. After about half a year the trunks can be cracked open and the delicious larvae can be harvested.

11 Aikanã

(112) *ari'i-ye keapü ãri'i-ye* mamuí.larva-obj *kea-pü* get-ss 'He got mamuí larvae.' 'Pegou coró de mamuí também.'

(113) *nusunapapü*

*nu-suna-pa-pü* come-dir:return-tr-ss 'He brought them back home.' 'Ele trouxe de volta pra casa.'

(114) *amakea'ẽ detyaderi'ete kukapü amamakezaẽ*

*ama-kea-'ẽ* cook-3-imp *detya-deri-'ete* woman-3.poss-all *kuka-pü* tell-ss *ama~ma-keza-ẽ* cook~red-3sg.caus-decl '"Cook it!" he told his wife, and she cooked it.' '"Cozinha aí!" ele falou para a mulher dele, e ela cozinhou.'

(115) *hikiririkapedupana zamiya*

*hikiri-rika-pe-dupana* dark-clf:floor-clf:round-temp *zamiya* now

'As it was getting dark inside …' 'Enquanto estava escurecendo lá dentro…'

(116) *hadite tãwĩkukapü irüpü*

*hadite* shaman *tãwĩ-kuka-pü* await-clf:body-ss *irü-pü* trance-ss

'He called the shaman to enter into a trance.'<sup>10</sup> 'Ele chamou o pajé para rezar.'

<sup>10</sup>In this state the shaman is sitting down on his/her bench while pulling down the invisible lines that form the net on which his/her spirit can travel, the *haditaezũ daruma* 'shaman's sling'. In order to heal, he/she performs acts such as sucking, blowing smoke, gestures of collecting, extracting, expelling, etc. The last Aikanã shaman passed away in 1985, but elderly people remember the tradition and are often able to interpret the work of shamans from other ethnic groups.

### J. Birchall, H. van der Voort, Luiz Aikanã & Cândida Aikanã

(117) *wãwã'ĩ ukikekukaku'ẽ awexü urumeẽ*

*wãwã'ĩ* child *uki-ke-kuka-ku-'ẽ* clean-3-clf:body-1sg.ben-imp *awexü* demon *urume-ẽ* transform-decl '"Cleanse the body of my daughter, who has transformed into a demon!"'<sup>11</sup> '"Limpa o corpo da criança que se transformou em bicho do mato!"'

(118) *kukaku'ẽ kukana*

*kuka-ku-'ẽ* tell-1sg.ben-imp *kuka-na* tell-ds '"Talk to him for me!" he said.' '"Fala para ele para mim!" ele falou.'

(119) *hadite wareduapü*

*hadite* shaman *ware-dua-pü* go-dir:inside-ss 'The shaman went inside.' 'O pajé entrou para dentro.'

(120) *wareriakapü uruhepü*

*ware-riaka-pü* go-dir:middle-ss *uru-he-pü* sing-3-ss

'He went to the middle of the house and sang.' 'Ele chegou no meio da casa e cantou.'

(121) *hadite kɨineke wareyü̃panake büxü'ẽ hepü*

*hadite* shaman *kɨine-ke* 3sg-com *ware-yü̃-pa-nake* go-dir:near-tr-cond *büxü-'ẽ* cure-imp *he-pü* say-ss

'As soon as the shaman brought her with him, (the father) said "Cure her!"'

'Quando o pajé levou ela junto com ele, (o pai) falou "Cura ela!"'

<sup>11</sup>The *awexü* is a dangerous and powerful spirit of the forest that can transform itself into any being and is able to make people lose their mind. Especially when someone is alone in the forest or on a remote cultivated plot, the *awexü* may trick someone and lead him/her astray or directly attack and kill a person. Unexpected death and psychotic illness are often explained as the work of the *awexü*. Experiences with the *awexü* are always traumatic and accounts of them are harrowing.

(122) *arerekekukaxüne'ẽ*

*arere-ke-kuka-xüne-'ẽ* blow-3-clf:body-dir:return-imp '"Blow and cleanse the body again!" (the father) said.' '"Assopra e limpa o corpo de novo!" (o pai) falou.'


then-ds repeat-ite late.morning-ite-ss food-obj place-3-dir:outside-ss 'Then it had to be repeated during the day, and food was placed in the

yard (for the shaman and the possessed child) .'

'Daí ele fez outra vez de dia, e ele deixou comida no terreiro (para o pajé e a criança).'

(128) *kariye kawhepü kari-ye* that-obj *kaw-he-pü* eat-3-ss

'She ate some of that.' 'Ela comeu aquilo.'

(129) *büxühekunehe'ẽ kukapü büxühenehepü xükeakapapü*

*büxü-he-ku-ne'e-'ẽ* cure-3-1sg.ben-ite-imp *kuka-pü* tell-ss *büxü-he-ne'e-pü* cure-3-ite-ss *xü-kea-ka-pa-pü* finish-3sg-clf:piece-tr-ss

'"Perform the cure again for me," he said, and the shaman did so again, and finished (removing the demon's spirit from the head of the child).' '"Cura de novo para mim," ele falou, e o pajé curou de novo, e terminou (tirando o espírito do bicho da cabeça da criança).'

(130) *taraye kawahenake xükeakapapü*

*tara-ye* what-obj *kaw-a-he-nake* eat-impers-3-cond *xü-kea-ka-pa-pü* finish-3sg-clf:piece-tr-ss 'Through eating (the food) he could remove the demon's spirit (from the bodies of the girls).' 'Comendo as coisas ele tirou a alma do bicho (dos corpos das meninas).'

(131) *kapünepü zamiya kapü zamiya hü'akaxünerewaẽ wãwã'ĩ*

*kapü-ne-pü* finish-pfv-ss *zamiya* now *ka-pü* do-ss *zamiya* now *hü'a-ka-xüne-re-wa-ẽ* good-1sg-dir:return-fut-2sg.ben-decl *wãwã'ĩ* child 'He finished and said, "Now that it's done, your children will get well again."' 'Ele terminou e falou, "Agora que foi feito, suas filhas vão sarar."'

(132) *zare kaxünerewaẽ*

*zare* person *ka-xüne-re-wa-ẽ* 1sg-dir:return-fut-2sg.ben-decl '"They will be people again for you."' '"Vão se tornar em gente de novo para você."' (133) *kuka'i apa'ixüte kukana kuka-'i* tell-nmlz *apa-'ixüte* say-rep *kuka-na* tell-ds 'This is how he spoke to the father.' 'Assim que ele falou para o pai.'

(134) *hukadupɨi hepü hukadupɨi* alright *he-pü* say-ss '"Alright," he said.' '"Está certo," ele falou.'

(135) *wãwã'ĩke hina'ĩ hũka hũka eryüanahe'ẽ hukakeaderi wãwã'ĩ-ke* child-com *hina-'ĩ* no-nmlz *hũka* in.vain *hũka* in.vain *eryüana-he-'ẽ* sick-3-decl *hũka-kea-deri* in.vain-3-nmlz 'The children used to be ill and were really going crazy.' 'As crianças também não tinham sussego, viviam bagunçando.'

(136) *zamiya zɨizɨ ̃ i eryüaxünena zamiya ̃ zamiya* now *zɨizɨ ̃ ĩ* correct *eryüa-xüne-na* live-dir:return-ds *zamiya* now 'But now they were behaving well again.' 'Mas agora ficaram direitinhas de novo.'


J. Birchall, H. van der Voort, Luiz Aikanã & Cândida Aikanã

(139) *kyã'i apatena kyã-'i* speak-nmlz *apa-te-na* say-pst-ds 'This is how they told it.' 'Assim que contaram.'

(140) *dupana zarikapasapü zarikahedupana dupana* while *zarika-pa-sa-pü* delay-tr-mal-ss *zarika-he-dupana* delay-3-temp

'But a while after (Fox had abducted them)…'<sup>12</sup> 'Mas um pouco depois (que o Raposa sequestrou elas)…'

(141) *hiku kapü kaxare'ẽ namɨideri'ika kukaderiye wareyü̃pü*

*hiku* other *ka-pü* do-ss *ka-xa-re-'ẽ* do-1pl-fut-imp *namɨi-deri-ika* cousin-3.poss-intens *kuka-deri-ye* tell-nmlz-obj *ware-yü̃-pü* go-dir:close-ss 'The real cousin, the one who said to do it (to get peanuts) arrived (at the girls' house).'

'Aquela prima delas que tinha combinado com ela (arrancar amendoim) primeiro chegou (na casa das meninas).'

(142) *kaxare'ẽ ka'ĩwãte yãw'ẽ deripahãyã'ẽ namɨi kukaẽ*

*ka-xa-re-'ẽ* do-1pl-fut-imp *ka-'ĩwã-te* do-admon-pst *yãw'ẽ* let's.go.imp *deri-pa-hãyã-ẽ* day-tr-1pl.obj-decl *namɨi* cousin *kuka-ẽ*

tell-decl

'"We had agreed to do it, let's go! It's becoming day for us," the cousin said.'

'"Vamos lá fazer o que concordamos! O dia está amanhecendo em nós," a prima falou.'

(143) *mamaderi warehikadepü keriẽ hĩzã kamezakukateare apɨire'i*

*mama-deri* mother-3.poss *ware-hika-de-pü* go-leave-dir:outside-ss *keriẽ* whoa! *hĩzã* 2sg

<sup>12</sup>Here the narrator goes back to an earlier phase in the story, adding the part concerning the real cousin after the girls had been abducted.

*ka-meza-kuka-te-are* do-2sg.caus-clf:body-pst-infr *apa-ire-'i* say-almost-int 'Her mother went outside and said: "Whoa! Aren't you the one that was going to call them?"'

'A mãe saiu pra fora e falou, "Nossa! Não foi você que chamou elas?"'


'"Let's go!" she had said to her, but they had already left.' '"Vamos embora!" falou para ela, mas elas já tinham saido.'


### J. Birchall, H. van der Voort, Luiz Aikanã & Cândida Aikanã

*ka-za-pa-sa-hãyã-te-na*

do-caus-tr-mal-1pl.obj-pst-ds

'"So it must not have been a person that took them from us."' '"Então não era uma pessoa que levou elas de nós."'

(149) *babaderi mamaderi he'i he'i apɨixüte*

*baba-deri* father-3.poss *mama-deri* mother-3.poss *he-'i* say-nmlz *he-'i* say-nmlz *apa-ixüte* say-rep 'Their father and mother said this. This is what was said.' 'O pai e a mãe delas falou isso. Assim que falaram.'

(150) *hepü hikirinena kawã kawã hikirinena*

*he-pü* then-ss *hikiri-ne-na* dark-pfv-ds *kawã* be.like *kawã* be.like *hikiri-ne-na* dark-pfv-ds 'Then it got dark.' 'Daí escureceu, escureceu mesmo.'

(151) *bari wareyãepü kaxata'ẽ hikiri'ikana*

*bari* who *ware-yã-e-pü* go-come-2sg.obj-ss *ka-xa-ta-'ẽ* do-1pl-rem.fut-imp *hikiri-'ika-na* dark-intens-ds '"When someone comes for you, saying, 'Let's do it early in the morning!'" …'

'"Quando alguém vier para você falando 'Vamos lá amanhã cedo!'" …'

(152) *hapa'aparete'ẽ apa'i apɨixüte apa'ẽ kyãapɨisuwãẽ he'ẽ xüxüe kyã'isuwãẽ xüxüe xüxü xüxüe Kwã'ĩ*

*h-apa~apa-rete'ẽ* 2sg-say~say-neg.imp *apa-'i* say-nmlz *apa-ixüte* say-rep *apa-'ẽ* say-decl *kyã-apa-isuwã-ẽ* speak-say-rem.pst-decl *he-'ẽ* say-decl *xüxüe* grandmother *kyã-'isuwã-ẽ* speak-rem.pst-decl *xüxüe* grandmother *xüxü* 1sg.poss *xüxüe* grandmother *Kwã'ĩ* Kwã'i

'"You can't talk like that with people," my grandmother used to say.<sup>13</sup> Grandmother Kwã'ĩ.' '"Você não pode falar assim com os outros," assim que falava minha avó.

Vovó Kwã'ĩ.

<sup>13</sup>Here, reference is made to the moral of the story, also mentioned in the introduction, that one should not talk about one's plans.

(153) *kariyame ãryüaka'ĩwã kari-ame* this-sup *ãryüa-ka-'ĩwã* know-1sg-admon 'I know just this.' 'Só isso que eu sei.'

(154) *kawãẽ*

*kawã-ẽ* be.like-decl 'That's it.' 'É assim.'

### **Acknowledgments**

Generous funding by the VolkswagenStiftung of DoBeS (Dokumentation Bedrohter Sprachen) project nr. 85.611 is hereby gratefully acknowledged. In addition, Luiz Aikanã's visit to the Museu Goeldi was kindly funded by the Brazilian National Science Foundation CNPq (Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa Científica) within Vilacy Galucio's project *Documentação de línguas indígenas e a sua integração no acervo digital de línguas indígenas do Museu Goeldi*. Additional comments and corrections were kindly provided by Raimunda and Mario Aikanã.


### **Non-standard abbreviations**

### **References**


### **Chapter 12**

## **Suruí of Rondônia**

Cédric Yvinec CNRS/Mondes Américains, Paris, France

Agamenon Gamasakaka Suruí

### **1 Introduction**

This story relates one of the numerous skirmishes in the continuously warlike relations between the Suruí of Rondônia (or, according to their autodenomination, *Paiter*) and their indigenous neighbors. It is representative of the Suruí narrative genre. Suruí is a language of the Mondé family of the Tupian stock. The Suruí live in the Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land, on the border between the Brazilian states of Rondônia and Mato Grosso, near the city of Cacoal. The speakers of Suruí now number about 1,200 individuals; this population has increased steadily since the 1970s, when measles, flu and tuberculosis epidemics broke out after their first peaceful contact with the Brazilian society in 1969, causing a demographic crisis. Although the Suruí traditionally lived in just one or two villages, they are now scattered among more than 20 settlements along the boundaries of their land, which remains an island of rainforest surrounded by cattle ranchers (see Figure 1). Slash-and-burn horticulture and hunting have been replaced by coffee farming, illegal logging, and environmentalist projects. War with neighboring Indian groups and White settlers have ceased and numerous matrimonial bonds now tie the Suruí to their former enemies. Thus, although the events narrated here evoke a world vividly experienced by the generations born before the 1960s, this past is very different from the daily life of the young adults today, who form a large part of the audience of such narratives.<sup>1</sup>

<sup>1</sup> For general ethnographic information on the Suruí, see Mindlin (1985; 1996) and Yvinec (2011). For information on the various ways of narrating past events among the Suruí, see Yvinec (2016).

### C. Yvinec & Agamenon Gamasakaka Suruí

Figure 1: Present location of the Suruí (Map: C. Yvinec)

The story is 9 minutes long. It was narrated in June 2013 by Agamenon G̃amasakaka Suruí, a fifty-year-old man, one of the most powerful and respected men in the village of Lapetanha (see Figure 2). It was told to me at night, after I explicitly asked to record it. That very afternoon, Agamenon had spontaneously narrated it to his two wives, surrounded by several of his sons, daughters and nephews, while we were enjoying a break in the tedious work of picking coffee berries. The aim of the narration was both to celebrate the ancestor of his political faction and to entertain the audience, especially by singing a beautiful war song. When closely related, politically friendly adults get together, for example while sitting around a fire at night or having a rest during a collective work, they often exchange such stories among themselves. Because they are narrated over and over, their content is rarely entirely unknown to the audience.

### 12 Suruí of Rondônia

Here, Agamenon evokes an attack on a neighboring Zoró village – a Mondé-speaking population of north-western Mato Grosso who were the Suruí's preferred enemies – that took place before the birth of all living Suruí, probably in the 1920s. The narration culminates with the song one of the warriors composed in celebration of his deeds. Indeed, it is through such songs that memory of historical events is passed down among the Suruí.

Several other stylistic features are worth noting. For the most part, the story is composed of embedded quotations of successive narrators of the event, so that it is rendered in direct first person speech, including the alleged inner discourse (thoughts) of actors. Thus, the narration paints a vivid picture of the events, intensified by the extensive use of ideophones.

Figure 2: The narrator, Agamenon G̃amasakaka Suruí (Photo C. Yvinec)

The evidential status of each embedded discourse is systematically marked, either as witnessed evidence (narration heard by the speaker from his father) or as non-witnessed evidence (narration heard by the latter from his own father, the protagonist of the event). However, in a kind of introductory summary (lines 5-8), and then again in the conclusion (lines 55–69), the narrator refers to the nature and general behavior of the main character, his grandfather.<sup>2</sup> Paradoxically, these parts of the story are marked as witnessed evidence, although the narrator was born years after his grandfather's death. Such deletion of non-witnessed evidentiality marking in the course of a story is common in various narrative genres, including myths. It is often due to a prioritized focus on the sequence of events rather than on the source of information. Here, on the other hand, the contrast is between a particular event (identified by a song), which needs to have its non-witnessed evidential status restated in each sentence of the description because it is painted as if it had been lived by the speaker, and general inferences that can be construed as witnessed on the basis of the lifelike description of the event. Finally, the difference between Suruí historical and mythological narratives needs to be pointed out: whereas myths are attributed to an indeterminate group of anonymous speakers, the chain of narrators of historical events is clearly established throughout the story.

<sup>2</sup>The recording situation and the absence of a Suruí interlocutor prone to ask questions and open new stories led this narrator to develop these considerations further than most narrators would do in conversational situations, and gave the story a unity that spontaneously-occurring narrations do not often have.

### C. Yvinec & Agamenon Gamasakaka Suruí

The transcription convention used here is mostly similar to that developed by the SIL missionaries with a group of Suruí for textbooks and Bible translation. All orthographic symbols are to be pronounced as in Brazilian Portuguese, except for the following: *g̃* is a velar nasal [ŋ] ; *h* indicates that the preceding vowel is long; *s* is a voiceless velar [x] or dental fricative [θ]; and *u* is a closed front rounded vowel [y]. The tilde, acute accent, and circumflex denote nasalization, high tone on oral vowels, and high tone on nasalized vowels, respectively. Vowels without any diacritic mark are oral vowels with low (or undetermined) tone. Suruí consonants vary in initial and final word positions, according to the preceding or following morpheme, especially in possessive noun phrases and in the construction of the object-verb group. The most frequent variations are *p*~*m, k*~*g, s*~*l*~*x, t*~*tx*~*n, d*~*j, m*~∅, and *w*~∅. They are reproduced in the writing convention.

Suruí typological features can be summed up as follows. The basic word orders are genitive-noun; noun-adjective; and object-verb. The subject has no strictly determined position, but tends to precede the object-verb group, and is marked by aspectual and/or evidential suffixes. There are two classes of nouns: obligatorily possessed and non-obligatorily possessed; the latter can nonetheless occur in a possessive construction, marked by the possessive prefix *-ma-*, positioned between the genitive and the noun. There are two class of verbs: transitive and intransitive. The latter can have a reflexive pronoun (which only differs from the regular pronoun in the third person) in the object position, thus aligning subjects of intransitive verbs with objects of transitive verbs. Indirect objects can appear with both classes of verbs and are marked by dative, benefactive, or ablative suffixes. Evidentiality is marked by suffixes on the subject and/or by sentence-final markers.<sup>3</sup> Evidentiality can be witnessed, non-witnessed, or non-declarative (a subclass of non-witnessed).<sup>4</sup>

<sup>3</sup>On some occasions (lines 8; 13; 60), sentence parsing contradicts the sentence-final markers, because prosody shows that the speaker extended and corrected his utterance after the sentencefinal marker.

<sup>4</sup>Only preliminary studies are available on Suruí: on phonology, see Lacerda Guerra (2004); on syntax, see Bontkes (1985), and Van der Meer (1985), as well as the primary author's own work (Yvinec 2011: 679–691).

12 Suruí of Rondônia

### **2 Ana omamõya G̃oxoraka ã**

### **'This is the way my grandfather killed a Zoró' 'Foi assim que meu avô matou um Zoró'**<sup>5</sup>

(1) *Nem, a olobde merema og̃ay ma e.*

*nem* intj *a* dem.prox *o-sob-de* 1sg-father-wit *pere-ma* iter-do<sup>6</sup> *o-ka* 1sg-dat *ma* prf.pst *e* sfm.wit 'Well, here is what my father recounted to me.' 'Meu pai me contou isso.'

(2) *Nem, a, ""ana oiyã" olobiyã," olobesesob, denene.*

*nem* intj *a* dem.prox *a-na* dem.prox-foc *o-ya* 1sg-nwit *o-sob-ya* 1sg-father-nwit *o-sob-e-sob* 1sg-father-nmlz-father ∅*-de-ee-na-ee-na-e*<sup>7</sup> 3sg-wit-endo-foc-endo-foc-sfm.wit 'He said this, about my father's father: "I heard that my father said: "I did this, they say.""'<sup>8</sup>

'Ele falou assim, do pai de meu pai: "Eu ouvi que meu pai falou assim: "Eu fiz isso, pessoas falam.""'

<sup>5</sup>Recordings of this story are available from https://zenodo.org/record/997449

<sup>6</sup>The suffix *-ma* used as a verb can have many meanings, including 'to say' or 'to explain'.

<sup>7</sup>The combination *ee-na*, endo-foc, is an adverbial locution that is pervasive in narrative speech. Its meaning is very loose and almost expletive: 'thus', 'this way', 'like this'. It emphasizes the inner links of the speech, contrasting with *i-na*, exo-foc, which occurs in conversations that refer to physically present objects.

<sup>8</sup> From this point on, the whole narration is a quotation of Agamenon's father quoting a narration by his own father, except for a few sentences (lines 5-9; 43-47; 49-50; 55-64). This embedding of quoted speech is marked at the end of almost every sentence. However, we do not reproduce it systematically in the free translation in order to lighten it a little; quotation marks only will indicate the levels of embedding. The evidential value of each level will not be reproduced either, since it remains unchanged throughout the narration: Agamenon's father's speech was witnessed (*de*, wit), his grandfather's was not (*ya*, nwit).

C. Yvinec & Agamenon Gamasakaka Suruí

(3) *""Nem, olobaka G̃oxoriyã" iyã" de. nem* intj *o-sob-aka* 1sg-father-kill *G̃oxor*<sup>9</sup> *-ya* Zoró-nwit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de*<sup>10</sup> 3sg-wit '""Well, a Zoró killed my father.""' '""Um Zoró matou meu pai.""'

(4) *""Eebo oya okãyna oladeka sona olobepika sona yã" olobiyã" olobde. ee-bo*<sup>11</sup> endo-advers *o-ya* 1sg-nwit *o-kãyna* 1sg-grow *o-sade-ee-ka*<sup>12</sup> 1sg-prog.sim-endo-dat *sona* often *o-sob-wepika* 1sg-father-avenge *sona* often *a* sfm.nwit *o-sob-ya* 1sg-father-nwit *o-sob-de* 1sg-father-wit '""So as I grew up, I avenged my father many times.""' '""Então, quando eu cresci, vinguei meu pai muitas vezes.""'

<sup>9</sup>The word *G̃oxor*, Zoró, is a lexicalization of the locution *lahdg̃oesor*, *lahd-koe-sor*, Indian.enemylanguage-ugly, 'enemy whose language is difficult to understand' – but not incomprehensible, by contrast with other neighbors, either from the Mondé family (Cinta-Larga) or not (Kawahib, Nambikwara). The Portuguese ethnonym "Zoró" is a corruption of the Suruí word. At the time of the narrated events, *G̃oxor* referred to a single population, from which are descended the two ethnic groups nowadays called Zoró and Gavião of Rondônia, who split off in the 1940s, when the latter entered in contact with rubber tappers, while the former remained in voluntary isolation until 1977 (see Figure 3). For ethnohistorical information about the Zoró, see Brunelli (1987).

<sup>10</sup>Quotations are marked in Suruí by an isolated subject, that is, a noun or pronoun (or the absence of it, for third person singular) with an aspectual and/or evidential suffix, to which no verbal group corresponds. Moreover, an indirect object, specifying the addressee can appear after the subject. These markers usually appear after the quoted speech and can be strung together to indicate embedding of quotations, as we see here.

<sup>11</sup>In Suruí narrative discourse, almost every sentence is introduced by an adverbial locution that connects it to the preceding one: *ee-bo* (endo-advers), 'and', 'so', or 'but'; *ee-te* (endo-adv), 'then', 'indeed', 'and'; *ee-tiga-te* (endo-sim-adv), 'then', 'at that time'; *a-yab-* (dem.prox-endo), 'and this', 'and the latter'. It is difficult to give a uniform translation of those discourse-linking expressions.

<sup>12</sup>The combination *ee-ka*, endo-dat, functions as a postposition that subordinates the preceding clause as an indirect object of the verbal group of the main clause. Its meaning is either temporal or causal.

(5) *Eebo dena sona G̃oxoraka akah sone.*

*ee-bo* endo-advers ∅*-de-ee-na* 3sg-wit-endo-foc *sona* often *G̃oxor-aka* Zoró-kill *a-kah* 3.refl-go *sona-e.* often-sfm.wit 'So he repeatedly set out to kill some Zoró.'

'Então ele foi matar o Zoró muitas vezes.'

Figure 3: Approximate location of the Suruí, Zoró, and neighboring groups of the Machado-Roosevelt interfluve in the first half of the 20th century. At that time, the stations of telegraph line built by Rondon in 1914 were the only permanent colonial presence in that region. (Map: C. Yvinec)

### C. Yvinec & Agamenon Gamasakaka Suruí

(6) *Ayabg̃oy xibebiga, ikar iperedena, ihbahbag̃a iperedena, eyabg̃ar iperedekena.*

*a-yab-koy* dem.prox-endo-to *xi-ibeb-iga* 3sg-track-pick *i-kar* 3sg-search *i-pere-de-na* 3sg-iter-wit-foc *ihbahb-mag̃a* canoe-make *i-pere-de-na* 3sg-iter-wit-foc *ee-yab-kar* endo-endo-search *i-pere-de-kah-ee-na* 3sg-iter-wit-go-endo-foc 'He repeatedly searched for them and followed their tracks, he repeatedly

made a canoe and set out in search of some of them.'<sup>13</sup>

'Ele o procurava e seguia o rastro dele, muitas vezes ele construiu uma canoa e saiu para procura-lo.'

(7) *Ayabmi aor te, ayabmi akah ihbahbtar ena te makaomi ikar.*

*a-yab-pi* dem.prox-endo-abl *a-or* 3.refl-come *te*<sup>14</sup> adv *a-yab-pi* dem.prox-endo-abl *a-akah* 3.refl-go *ihbahb-tar* canoe-on *ee-na* endo-foc *te* adv *ma-kao-pi* other-dry.season-abl *i-kar* 3sg-search 'Afterward he came back, and after that, during the next dry season, he would set out again on a canoe in search of some of them.' 'Depois, ele voltou, e depois disso, na próxima estação seca, ele saía de novo numa canoa para procura-lo.'

(8) *Enaitxa te iperedena sona G̃oxorkar ena sone, mater e, asobaka deke, omamõperedenene.*

*ee-na-itxa* endo-foc-with *te* adv *i-pere-de-na* 3sg-iter-wit-foc *sona* often *G̃oxor-kar* Zoró-search *ee-na* endo-foc *sona-e* often-sfm.wit *mater* long.ago *e* sfm.wit *a-sob-aka* 3.refl-father-kill

<sup>13</sup>Suruí uses the third person singular pronoun (*xi-* or *i-*) to refer to the targeted enemy, but this does not mean that the Suruí warrior would have gone searching for a particular individual among the Zoró, the killer of his father. Any individual supposedly belonging to that ethnic group would be a suitable victim, and one death was still an ambitious goal for a raid. By contrast, using the third person plural pronoun (*ta-*) would have implied that the target was the whole ethnic group – but the Zoró lived in a more scattered fashion than the Suruí did. We use the plural in the free translation when it is more relevant in English.

<sup>14</sup>The adverbial particle *te* is almost an expletive. It is probably a weak form of the intensive adverbial particle *ter*, and often has only a prosodic function.

12 Suruí of Rondônia

∅*-de-ee-ka-e* 3sg-wit-endo-dat-sfm.wit *o-ma-amõ-pere-de-na-ee-na-e* 1sg-poss-grandfather-iter-wit-foc-endo-foc-sfm.wit 'Thus, my grandfather was always in search of some Zoró, long ago, because one of them had killed his father.' 'Assim, meu avô sempre procurava o Zoró, há muito tempo, porque aquele tinha matado o pai dele.'

(9) *Ena olobdena iwema.*

*ee-na* endo-foc *o-sob-de-ee-na* 1sg-father-wit-endo-foc *iwe-ma* dem.exo-do 'This is what my father said.' 'Meu pai falou assim.'

(10) *""Eebo oya xikin ã" iyã" de.*

*ee-bo* endo-advers *o-ya* 1sg-nwit *xi-ikin* 3sg-see *a* sfm.wit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de* 3sg-wit 'He said: "[My father] said: "And once I saw him.""' 'Ele disse: "[Meu pai] disse: "Aí uma vez eu o vi.""'

(11) *""Eebo oya olobg̃armeyitxa yã" iyã" de.*

*ee-bo* endo-advers *o-ya* 1sg-nwit *o-sob-karmey-itxa* 1sg-father-younger.sibling-with *a* sfm.wit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de* 3sg-wit '""I was with my father's younger brother.""' '""Eu estava com o irmão mais novo de meu pai.""'

(12) *""Eebo oilud ena tar ã.""*

*ee-bo* endo-advers *o-oilud* 1sg-young *ee-na* endo-foc *tar* prf *ã* sfm.nwit '""I was already a young man.""'<sup>15</sup> '""Eu já estava moço.""'

<sup>15</sup>Men are *oilud* when they are young adults, still single, approximately between 17 and 25 years old.

### C. Yvinec & Agamenon Gamasakaka Suruí

(13) *""Ete oya G̃oxoribebepemaã tar ã" iyã" de, ""mixag̃ataga.""*

*ee-te* endo-adv *o-ya* 1sg-nwit *G̃oxor-ibeb-e-pe-maã* Zoró-track-nmlz-path-take *tar* prf *a* sfm.nwit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de* 3sg-wit *mixag̃-mataga* night-go.through '""That time I had followed the track of a Zoró through the night.""'

'""Aquela vez, eu tinha seguido o rastro do Zoró durante a noite.""'

(14) *""Oker õm a.""*

*o-ker* 1sg-sleep *õm* neg *a* sfm.nwit '""I had not slept at all.""' '""Eu não tinha dormido nada.""'

(15) *""Mokãyxibotorera oya xibebaã tar ã, xipemaã tar ã" iyã" de. mokãy-xibo-tor-wera* fire-flame-carry-walk *o-ya* 1sg-nwit *xi-ibeb-maã* 3sg-track-take *tar* prf *a* sfm.wit

*xi-pe-maã* 3sg-path-take *tar* prf *a* sfm.nwit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de* 3sg-wit

'""I had followed his track carrying a torch, I had followed his path.""' '""Eu tinha seguido o rastro dele, com uma tocha na mão, eu tinha seguido o caminho dele.""'

(16) *""Ete oya paitereya adihr eka, "Ãtiga meykodaatẽ ma", oya takay ena yã" iyã" de.*

*ee-te* endo-adv *o-ya* 1sg-nwit *pa-iter-ey*16*-ya* 1pl.incl-very-pl-nwit *a-dihr* 3.refl-exhaust *ee-ka* endo-dat *ã-tiga* dem.prox-sim *mey-koda-aat-tẽ* 2pl-sit.pl-ly-inch *ma* imp *o-ya* 1sg-nwit *ta-ka* 3pl-dat *ee-na* endo-foc *a* sfm.nwit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de* 3sg-wit

'""And, as our men were exhausted, I told them: "You all should sit down here."""'

<sup>16</sup>The lexicalized locution *pa-iter* (1pl.incl-very), 'we (inclusive of addressee) ourselves' is the ethnic autodenomination of the Suruí. Here it obviously does not refer to the whole ethnic group, but to the younger male individuals that went with the warriors to carry their provisions of food and arrows.

12 Suruí of Rondônia

'""Aí, como nosso pessoal não aguentava mais, eu lhes disse: "Vocês podem sentar aquí."""'

(17) *""Eebo oyakah metota osahra, bobobob.""*

*ee-bo* endo-advers *o-ya-kah* 1sg-nwit-go *pe-tota* path-along *o-sahr-a* 1sg-swift-vblz *bobobob* id:walk.quickly '""And I trotted away swiftly along the path.""' '""Aí eu me fui embora rapidinho, seguindo o caminho.""'

(18) *""Ñokoy oyakah, nem, G̃oxormaarãyasade awaga ewepi yã" iyã" de. ano-koy* dem.dist-to *o-ya-kah* 1sg-nwit-go *nem* intj *G̃oxor-ma-arãya-sade* Zoró-poss-chicken-prog.sim *a-awaga* 3.refl-cry *ewe-epi* dem.endo-hear *a* sfm.nwit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de* 3sg-wit '""I went there, and I heard the pet cock of the Zoró singing.""'<sup>17</sup>

'""Eu fui lá, aí ouvi o galo do Zoró que cantava.""'

(19) *""Bohb, oya osahrokabi ya" iyã" de.*

*bohb* id:run *o-ya* 1sg-nwit *o-sahrokabi* 1sg-swift.under.cover *a* sfm.nwit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de* 3sg-wit '""Quickly, I approached, ducking under cover.""' '""Eu me aproximei rapidinho, abaixando-me para esconder-me.""'

(20) *""Ãter oya xixababetâhikin a" iyã" de.*

*ã-ter* dem.prox-very *o-ya* 1sg-nwit *xi-sab-abe-tâh-ikin* 3sg-house-outside-stand-see *a* sfm.nwit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de* 3sg-wit '""Here, I could see their house.""'<sup>18</sup> '""Aí eu vi a maloca dele.""'

<sup>17</sup>The Suruí and the Zoró used to raise various kinds of pets – mainly dogs, curassows and guans (turkey-like forest birds of the genera *Mitu*, *Penelope*, and *Pipile*) – and trust them to warn of approaching enemies. According to the Suruí, before contact, the Zoró already bred chickens that they had caught in rubber tapper settlements.

<sup>18</sup>The Suruí and Zoró "houses" (*lab*, non-possessed form of *-sab*) were huge, oblong, and vaulted constructions thatched with palm leaves, about 30 meters long and 5 meters high (see Figure 4). Zoró houses, in contrast to Suruí dwellings, had no bark walls but were thatched down to the ground, allowing arrows to be shot through the palm leaves.

### C. Yvinec & Agamenon Gamasakaka Suruí

Figure 4: A traditional Suruí house, rather small, built in 2005 near Lapetanha (Photo C. Yvinec)

(21) *""Yeter oytxepo!""*

*ye-ter* dem.med-very *oytxepo* perfect '""That's perfect!""' '""Ótimo!""'

(22) *""Bohb, oya osahrokabi yã, "Ikaytxer akah ana i?"""*

*bohb* id:run *o-ya* 1sg-nwit *o-sahrokabi* 1sg-swift.under.cover *a* sfm.nwit *i-ka-ter* 3sg-dat-very *a-kah* 3.refl-go *a-na* dem.prox-foc *i* sfm.ndecl

'""Quickly, I approached nearer, ducking under cover, and I thought: "So is he staying in this one?"""'<sup>19</sup>

'""Logo me aproximei, abaixado ainda, e pensei: "Será que ele fica nesta?"""'

(23) *""Etiga te tamaawuruya waohwaohwaoh awuruya tamanikesota og̃ay txar ã" iyã" de.*


<sup>19</sup>The Suruí, and their Indian neighbors as well, frequently left their villages for long treks in the forest, either in search of forest resources or out of fear of enemies.

12 Suruí of Rondônia

### ∅*-de*

3sg-wit

'""But then: *Woof! Woof! Woof!* Their dog barked and did not let me come nearer to them.""'

'""Aí, de repente: *Au-au! Au-au! Au-au!* O cachorro dele latiu, não deixando eu me aproximar mais.""'

(24) *""Atãr og̃ay txar ã.""*

*a-tãr* 3.refl-fierce *o-ka* 1sg-dat *tar* prf *a* sfm.nwit '""It was already barking fiercely at me.""' '""Ele já estava brabo comigo, estava latindo demais.""'

(25) *""Etiga te oya, nem, awurupami tar ã" iyã" de.*

*ee-tiga* endo-sim *te* adv *o-ya* 1sg-nwit *nem* intj *awuru-pami* dog-fear *tar* prf *a* sfm.nwit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de* 3sg-wit '""And me, well, I was scared of the dog.""' '""Aí eu estava com medo do cachorro.""'

(26) *"""Eh méhk palana pagah i!" oya tar ã" iyã" de.*

*eh* oh *méhk* daybreak *pa-sa-a-na* 1pl.incl-prog-dem.prox-foc *pa-agah* 1pl.incl-dawn *i* sfm.ndecl *o-ya* 1sg-nwit *tar* prf *a* sfm.nwit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de* 3sg-wit '"""Oh, I realized, daybreak is coming, isn't it?"""' '"""Oh, eu percebi, já está amanhecendo!"""'

(27) *""Etiga te oyakah olobg̃armeyka "One te ana iwepi ner e, ba," oya ena ikay ã" iyã" de.*

*ee-tiga* endo-sim *te* adv *o-ya-kah* 1sg-nwit-go *o-sob-karmey-ka* 1sg-father-younger.sibling-dat *one* neg *te* adv *a-na* dem.prox-foc *iwe-pi*<sup>20</sup> dem.exo-abl *ter* very *e* sfm.wit *ba* father<sup>21</sup> *o-ya* 1sg-nwit *ee-na* endo-foc *i-ka* 3sg-dat *a* sfm.nwit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de* 3sg-wit

<sup>20</sup>The phrase *one te ana iwepi*, literally 'not this way out of that', means 'not easy'.

<sup>21</sup>One's father's brothers are classificatory "fathers" in the Suruí kinship terminology.

'""So I went straight to my father's younger brother and said to him: "Father, the situation is not easy."""'

'""Então voltei logo para o irmão mais novo de meu pai, aí lhe disse: "Pai, não é muito fácil."""'

(28) *"""Iye. "Payahrxid ewaba", te elaye, paitereykãra ejeka aye ewemig̃a paitereyitxa iter" olobiya og̃ay a" iyã" de.*

*iye* all.right *pa-mayahr-sid* 1pl.incl-go.away-hort *e-waba* 2sg-hort *te* adv *e-sa-aye* 2sg-prog-fut *pa-iter-ey-kãra* 1pl.incl-very-pl-retaliate.against *e-de-ee-ka* 2sg-wit-endo-dat *aye* fut *ewe-pig̃a* dem.endo-seize:worry.about *pa-iter-ey-itxa* 1pl.incl-very-pl-with *ter* very *o-sob-ya* 1sg-father-nwit *o-ka* 1sg-dat *a* sfm.nwit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de* 3sg-wit

'"""All right, my father answered, you can say: "Let's go away." I am worried about our people: because of what you did, there will be retaliations against us."""'

'"""Tá bom, disse meu pai, você pode falar assim: "Vamos embora." Estou preocupado com o nosso povo: por causa do que você fez, vai ter represálias contra nossa gente."""'

(29) *""Ete awurusena aker õm a, waohwaohwaoh, awurusena atãr ã.""*

*ee-te* endo-adv *awuru-sa-ee-na* dog-prog-endo-foc *a-ker* 3.refl-sleep *õm* neg *a* sfm.nwit *waohwaohwaoh* id:bark.in.the.distance *awuru-sa-ee-na* dog-prog-endo-foc *a-tãr* 3.refl-fierce *a* sfm.nwit '""And in the distance, the dog had not fallen asleep: *Woof! Woof!* It was still barking fiercely.""'

'""E lá, o cachorro não adormeceu: *Au-au! Au-au!* Ele ficava brabo.""'

(30) *""Etiga te oya "Okahsidlii" oladeka, "Atemareh, ba," oya olobg̃armeyka yã" iyã" de.*

*ee-tiga* endo-sim *te* adv *o-ya* 1sg-nwit *o-kah-sid-sa-i* 1sg-go-hort-prog-sfm.ndecl

12 Suruí of Rondônia

*o-sade-ee-ka* 1sg-prog.sim-endo-dat *a-ter-ma-reh*<sup>22</sup> dem.prox-very-imp-hort.pl *ba* father *o-ya* 1sg-nwit *o-sob-karmey-ka* 1sg-father-younger.sibling-dat *a* sfm.nwit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de* 3sg-wit '""But I was already thinking: "I shall go," and I said to my father's younger brother: "Wait, father!"""' '""Contudo eu já estava pensando: "Vou lá," e falei para o irmão mais novo do meu pai: "Espere aí, pai!"""'

(31) *"""Owena ite te bolakah ãsabtiga yedeiwayka mareh!" oya ikay ã" iyã" de.*

*o-e-na* 1sg-nmlz-foc *ter* very *te* adv *bo-o-sa-kah* advers-1sg-prog-go *a-sab-tiga*<sup>23</sup> dem.prox-house-sim *yed-iway-ka* rel-master-dat *ma-reh* imp-hort.pl *o-ya* 1sg-nwit *i-ka* 3sg-dat *a* sfm.nwit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de*

3sg-wit

'"""Let me go and show the master of this house who I am!" I said to him.""'<sup>24</sup>

'"""Vou mostrar ao dono desta maloca quem eu sou!" eu lhe disse.""'

(32) *""Bohb, osahror.""*

*bohb* id:run *o-sahr-or* 1sg-swift-come '""I approached it quickly.""' '""Aproximei-me rapidinho.""'

<sup>22</sup>This locution is lexicalized as an interjection that means 'Wait here for me!' The plural aspect of the hortative suffix *-reh* refers to the multiple wills (those of the addressee and of the speaker) implicated in actions that require individuals to coordinate themselves.

<sup>23</sup>The suffix *-tiga* can have a spatial meaning, as well as a temporal one.

<sup>24</sup>The phrase *ã-sab-tiga yed-iway*, dem.prox-house-sim rel-master, literally translates as 'the master of the place where this house stands'. This periphrastic expression can be a rhetorical device. However, it is also a way to get round the ambiguity to which the simpler construction *ã-sab-iway*, dem.prox-house-master, 'the master of this house,' could have given rise: indeed the latter phrase is a lexicalized expression, *labiway*, house-master, that refers to the political status of chief.

### C. Yvinec & Agamenon Gamasakaka Suruí


*ee-tiga* endo-sim *te* adv *xi-iway* 3sg-master *añum* a.little *o-kabe-sahr-a* 1sg-stoop-swift-vblz *ee-tiga* endo-sim *ee* endo *mĩhna-ka* door-dat *a-na* dem.prox-foc *mehkap* opening *nan* q *a-ariwa* 3.refl-be.noisy *awuru* dog *ma-eg̃a* q-prs *bo-o-sa* advers-1sg-prog *awuru-ka* dog-dat *a* sfm.nwit ∅*-ya* 3sg-nwit<sup>26</sup> *a-na* dem.prox-foc *mehkap-a* opening-vblz *a* sfm.nwit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de* 3sg-wit

'""As I was running up stooping, its master half-opened the door and thought about the dog: "What is making the dog bark?"""'

'""Eu estava correndo curvado, o dono dele entreabriu a porta, e ele pensou sobre o cachorro: "O que está fazendo o cachorro latir?"""'

(35) *"""Ah sehr awuru!" olahrikin ajeka, dik, apĩhnapoga.""*

*ah* ah *sehr* id:look.and.see *awuru* dog *o-sahr-ikin* 1sg-swift-see *a-de-ee-ka* 3.refl-wit-endo-dat *dik* id:close *a-mĩhna-poga* 3.refl-door-close

'"""Ah, I see, dog!" he said as he saw me running up, and: *Slam!* He shut the door.""'

'"""Ah, estou vendo, cachorro!" ele disse quando me viu correndo para ele, e aí: *Slam!* Fechou a porta.""'

<sup>25</sup>Here the spatial postposition *-amaĩ* has an abstract meaning of concession.

<sup>26</sup>This phrase shows complex clause embedding used to express thought as inner speech: [[[*Nan ariwa awuru ma-eg̃a*] *bo-o-sa awuru-ka a*] ∅-ya], '[[[What is making the dog bark?] I am saying this (to myself) about the dog] he said this (to himself)].

12 Suruí of Rondônia

(36) *""Turuk, awuruyakahekoy iya iõmaniga ya" iyã" de.*

*turuk* id:dodge.in *awuru-sa-kah-e-koy* dog-prog-go-nmlz-to *i-ya* 3sg-nwit *i-õm-a-niga* 3sg-neg-vblz-sim *a* sfm.nwit *i-ya* ∅*-de*

3sg-nwit 3sg-wit

'""*Whoosh!* The dog dodged its way in and disappeared inside.""'

'""*Whoosh!* o cachorro entrou e desapareceu.""'

(37) *""Ahwob, sog, sog omador xixabapa i!"".*

*ahwob* id:blow *sog* id:set.fire *sog*<sup>27</sup> id:set.fire *o-ma-de-or* 1sg-prf.pst-wit-come *xi-sab-ma-apa* 3sg-house-caus-burn *i*

sfm.ndecl

'""But I had come already and: *Puff!* I blew on my torch and: *Whoosh! Whoosh!* I set fire to his house on both sides!""'

'""Mas eu chegou já, e: *Puff!* Soprei na minha tocha, e: *Whoosh! Whoosh!* Toquei fogo nos dois lados da maloca dele!""'

(38) *""Etiga te etrrrk amauraã og̃ay ã" iyã" de.*

*ee-tiga* endo-sim *te* adv *etrrrk* id:catching.fire *a-ma-ur-maã* 3.refl-poss-bow-take *o-ka* 1sg-dat *a* sfm.nwit *i-ya* ∅*-de*

3sg-nwit 3sg-wit

'""It immediately caught fire and, inside, they picked up their bows to shoot at me.""'

'""A maloca pegou fogo logo, e, dentro, eles pegaram os seus arcos para me flechar.""'

(39) *"""Oeh, amauraã dog̃ewa i! Ã ãtigareh!" tak, tak, mãeya ñokoy, tak, mãeyka, eeerh mamugekoya" iyã" de.*


<sup>27</sup>The repetition of the ideophone conveys the idea that the action was done twice, that is, on both sides of the house (Zoró houses had two doors).

### C. Yvinec & Agamenon Gamasakaka Suruí

*ã-tiga-reh*<sup>28</sup> dem.prox-sim-hort.pl *tak* id:shoot.arrow *tak* id:shoot.arrow *ma-ey-ya* other-pl-nwit *ano-koy* dem.dist-to *tak* id:shoot.arrow *ma-ey-ka* other-pl-dat *eeerh* id:mortally.wounded *ma-pug-e-koe-ya* indf-child-nmlz-voice-nwit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de* 3sg-wit

'"""Ah, they are picking up theirs bows to shoot at me! Let's shoot now!" I thought and I shot twice, the enemies moved away, I shot once again, and: *Arrh!* A child's voice cried out as I mortally wounded him.""'

'"""Ah, estão procurando os seus arcos para me flechar! Vamos flechá-los!" pensei, e flechei duas vezes, os inimigos se afastaram, flechei mais uma vez, e aí: *Arrh!* Uma criança gritou, mortalmente ferida.""'

(40) *""Maya maã, xitiya mamugpiekoy manáh atar ã" iyã" de.*

*ma-ya* other-nwit *maã* take *xi-ti-ya* 3sg-mother-nwit *ma-pug-pi-ee-koy*<sup>29</sup> indf-child-hear-endo-to *manáh* insult *tar* prf

*a* sfm.nwit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de* 3sg-wit

'""Another had seized his bow already, and because she heard him crying,

the child's mother was insulting me.""'<sup>30</sup>

'""Já um outro inimigo pegou o seu arco e, ao ouvir sua criança gritando, a mãe dela me xingou.""'

(41) *""Oya etiga te onepotê tedne G̃oxorka tar ã" iyã" de.*

*o-ya* 1sg-nwit *ee-tiga* endo-sim *te* adv *o-tepotê* 1sg-shoot.arrow *ted-te* only-adv *G̃oxor-ka* Zoró-dat *tar* prf *a* sfm.nwit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de* 3sg-wit

'""But I just kept on shooting arrows at the Zoró.""'

'""Eu fiquei flechando o Zoró.""'

<sup>28</sup>This phrase that uses a plural hortative suffix (*-reh*) to refer to a highly individual decision and action (shooting one's arrow at the enemy) is an idiomatic construction. The plural hortative is perhaps motivated because this action requires resoluteness and self-coordination.

<sup>29</sup>The locution *ee-koy*, endo-to, has a causal meaning.

<sup>30</sup>In combat, just as in most other contexts, insults (*manáh*) scoff at the physical appearance of the addressee, especially at his or her genitals.

12 Suruí of Rondônia

(42) *""Eebo oyena G̃oxorsabapa yã" iyã" de.*

*ee-bo* endo-advers *o-ya-ee-na* 1sg-nwit-endo-foc *G̃oxor-sab-ma-apa* Zoró-house-caus-burn *a* sfm.nwit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de* 3sg-wit '""Thus I burnt down the Zoró's house.""'

'""Foi assim que eu queimei a maloca do Zoró.""'

(43) *Eebo omamõperedena ena G̃oxorka, xameomi ter denene, asobaka dekenene.*

*ee-bo* endo-advers *o-ma-amõ-pere-de-na* 1sg-poss-grandfather-iter-wit-foc *ee-na* endo-foc *G̃oxor-ka* Zoró-dat *xameomi* much *ter* very ∅*-de-ee-na-ee-na-e* 3sg-wit-endo-foc-endo-foc-sfm.wit *a-sob-aka* 3.refl-father-kill

∅*-de-ee-ka-ee-na-ee-na-e*

3sg-wit-endo-dat-endo-foc-endo-foc-sfm.wit

'My grandfather did this several times to the Zoró, he did it many times, because his father had been killed by one of them.'

'Várias vezes meu avô fez isso ao Zoró, muitas vezes, porque aquele tinha matado o pai dele.'

(44) *Oilud ena alaba dena ena maiter ikay e.*

*oilud* young *ee-na* endo-foc *a-saba* 3.refl-prog.pst ∅*-de-ee-na* 3sg-wit-endo-foc *ee-na* endo-foc *ma-iter*<sup>31</sup> other-very *i-ka* 3sg-dat *e* sfm.wit

'He was young then, so he did it once again to them.' 'Ele estava moço naquele tempo, aí lhes fez isso mais uma vez.'

(45) *Ayabmi dena maiter ikay e.*

*a-yab-pi* dem.prox-endo-abl ∅*-de-ee-na* 3sg-wit-endo-foc *ma-iter* other-very *i-ka* 3sg-dat *e* sfm.wit 'And afterward, he did it once more to them.' 'Aí depois, ele lhe fez isso mais uma vez.'

<sup>31</sup>The locution *ma-iter* (other-very) means 'more' or 'once again'.

### C. Yvinec & Agamenon Gamasakaka Suruí

(46) *Ayabmi dena maiter xixabapa, xixabapa tedne iperedena sone.*

*a-yab-pi* dem.prox-endo-abl ∅*-de-ee-na* 3sg-wit-endo-foc *ma-iter* other-very *xi-sab-ma-apa* 3sg-house-caus-burn *xi-sab-ma-apa* 3sg-house-caus-burn *ted-te* only-adv *i-pere-de-na* 3sg-iter-wit-foc *sona-e.* often-sfm.wit

'And afterward, he burnt one their houses down again, several times he just burnt a house down.'

'Aí depois, ele queimou de novo outra maloca dele, várias vezes ele só queimou uma maloca dele.'

(47) *Omamõperedene.*

*o-ma-amõ-pere-de-na-e* 1sg-poss-grandfather-iter-wit-foc-sfm.wit 'My grandfather did that again and again.' 'Meu avô fez isso várias vezes.'

(48) *""Eebo oyena G̃oxoreaka, xixabapa, olobaka deka yã" olobiyã" olobde.*

*ee-bo* endo-advers *o-ya-ee-na* 1sg-nwit-endo-foc *G̃oxor-e-aka* Zoró-nmlz-kill *xi-sab-ma-apa* 3sg-house-caus-burn *o-sob-aka* 1sg-father-kill ∅*-de-ee-ka* 3sg-wit-endo-dat *ã* sfm.nwit *o-sob-ya* 1sg-father-nwit *o-sob-de*

1sg-father-wit

'My father said this: "My father said this: "Thus I killed the Zoró, I burnt his house down, because he had killed my father.""'

'Meu pai falou assim: "Meu pai contou isso: "Foi assim que eu matei o Zoró, queimei a maloca dele, porque ele tinha matada meu pai.""'

(49) *Ena.*

*ee-na* endo-foc 'It happened like this.' 'Aconteceu assim.'

12 Suruí of Rondônia

(50) *Ayabdena iwewá ikay e.*

*a-yab-de-ee-na* dem.prox-endo-wit-endo-foc *iwe-ewá*<sup>32</sup> dem.exo-say *i-ka* 3sg-dat *e* sfm.wit 'And he sang to celebrate this event.'

'Aí ele cantou para celebrar este acontecimento.'

(51) *"""Awurutihma mamekoka og̃ay omamibewẽtig, wẽtiga, wẽtiga ya."""*<sup>33</sup>

*awuru-tih*34*-ma* dog-big-prf.pst *ma-meko-ka* indf-jaguar-dat *o-ka* 1sg-dat *o-pami-be-wẽtiga* 1sg-fear-nmlz-sound *wẽtiga* sound *wẽtiga a* 35

sound sfm.nwit

'"""The big dog sounded its fear of a jaguar, of me it sounded it, sounded it, they say.'

'"""O cão grande soou seu medo da onça, de mim ele o soou, o soou, ouvi falar isso.'

(52) *"""Awurutihma mamekoka og̃ay,"""*

*awuru-tih-ma* dog-big-prf.pst *ma-meko-ka* indf-jaguar-dat *o-ka* 1sg-dat 'The big dog, of a jaguar, of me,'

'O cão grande, da onça, de mim,'

(53) *"""Oikin nedne loykubeyaawurutihma mamekoka og̃ay mamibewẽtig, wẽtiga, wẽtiga ya."""*

*o-ikin* 1sg-see *ted-te* only-adv *loykub*36*-ey-ma-awuru-tih-ma* enemy-pl-poss-dog-big-prf.pst *ma-meko-ka* indf-jaguar-dat *o-ka* 1sg-dat *pami-be-wẽtiga* fear-nmlz-sound *wẽtiga* sound *wẽtiga* sound *a* sfm.nwit

'Just at seeing me, the big dog of the enemies sounded its fear of a jaguar,

<sup>32</sup>Although the verb *-ewá* just means 'to say' or 'to talk' when it used intransitively (*awewá*, *a-we-ewá*, 3.refl-refl-say, 'they talk to each other'), when it is used transitively, like here, it always implies that the speech is sung.

<sup>33</sup>This and the two following lines were sung. Here Agamenon quoted only a sample of the song, which was actually far longer.

<sup>34</sup>The suffix *-tih* is often used to distinguish mythological or spiritual beings from their ordinary homonyms.

<sup>35</sup>Non-witnessed evidentiality is an aesthetic rule with which all Suruí sung speeches comply.

<sup>36</sup>This word is only used in sung speech, instead of the word *lahd*, and always with the plural suffix *-ey*.

of me, sounded it, sounded it, they say."'

'Ao me ver, o cão grande dos inimigos soou seu medo da onça, de mim, o soou, o soou, ouvi falar isso."'

(54) *""Oya iwewá ya" iyã, "ximaawurumaĩ ojehwá yã" iyã, "ena.""*

*o-ya* 1sg-nwit *iwe-ewá* dem.exo-say *a* sfm.nwit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit *xi-ma-awuru-ma-aĩ* 3sg-poss-dog-big-caus-go.into *o-de-ee-ewá* 1sg-wit-endo-say *a* sfm.nwit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit *ee-na* endo-foc

'I sang this, I sang that I made his big dog run in, like this.""'

'Eu cantei assim, eu cantei que eu fiz que o cão grande dele se esconder dentro da casa, assim.""'

(55) *Ayabmi maite te.*

*a-yab-pi* dem.prox-endo-abl *ma-iter* other-very *te* adv 'Afterward, he did it once again.' 'Depois disso, ele fê-lo de novo.'

(56) *Ayabmi denena te ena ikãyna alaba ena xixabapa akah G̃oxor ene.*

*a-yab-pi* dem.prox-endo-abl ∅*-de-ee-na-ee-na* 3sg-wit-endo-foc-endo-foc *te* adv *ee-na* endo-foc *i-kãy-na* 3sg-old-foc *a-saba* 3.refl-prog.pst *ee-na* endo-foc *xi-sab-ma-apa* 3sg-house-caus-burn *a-kah* 3.refl-go *G̃oxor ee-na-e*

Zoró endo-foc-sfm.wit

'Afterward, he did it, when he grew up, he went and burnt down the Zoró's house.'

'Depois, ele o fez, quando ele cresceu, ele se foi queimar a maloca do Zoró.'

(57) *Ena asobaka eka te iperedena agõarih ikay e.*

*ee-na* endo-foc *a-sob-aka* 3.refl-father-kill *ee-ka* endo-dat *te* adv *i-pere-de-na* 3sg-iter-wit-foc

12 Suruí of Rondônia

*a-agõa-arih*<sup>37</sup> 3.refl-heart-lazy *i-ka* 3sg-dat *e* sfm.wit

'Thus, because his father had been murdered, he remained merciless toward them.'

'Assim, porque seu pai tinha sido morto, ele ficou implacável contra aquele.'

(58) *Eebo dena ikãyna alaba enene, xixabapa akah e.*

*ee-bo* endo-advers ∅*-de-ee-na* 3sg-wit-endo-foc *i-kãy-na* 3sg-old-foc *a-saba* 3.refl-prog.pst *ee-na-ee-na-e* endo-foc-endo-foc-sfm.wit *xi-sab-ma-apa* 3sg-house-caus-burn *a-kah* 3.refl-go *e* sfm.wit 'And he did it again when he grew up, he went and burnt down one of their houses.'

'Ele o fez de novo quando cresceu, ele foi queimar a maloca daquele.'

(59) *Eebo dena epi xaka ene.*

*ee-bo* endo-advers ∅*-de-ee-na* 3sg-wit-endo-foc *ee-pi* endo-abl *xi-aka* 3sg-kill *ee-na-e* endo-foc-sfm.wit 'And afterward he killed another one.' 'Aí depois ele matou mais um Zoró.'

(60) *Xixabapa akah ñorĩ, ete "Xixabapa og̃abi ma!" sadena mãeyka, ete epetimag̃a alaba.*

*xi-sab-ma-apa* 3sg-house-caus-burn *a-kah* 3sg-go *ñorĩ* stealthily *ee-te* endo-adv *xi-sab-ma-apa* 3sg-house-caus-burn *o-kabi* 1sg-ben *ma* imp *sade-ee-na* prog.sim-endo-foc *ma-ey-ka* other-pl-dat *ee-te* endo-adv *ee-petimag̃a* endo-ambush *a-saba*

3.refl-prog.pst

'He went away to burn down a Zoró house, he said to a few others: "Burn down their house for me!" and he lay in ambush.'

'Ele saiu para queimar uma maloca do Zoró, ele falou para outros seus parentes: "Queimem a maloca dele para mim!" e ele ficou emboscado.'

<sup>37</sup>The word *agõa*, 'heart', has physical and emotional meaning. When it is 'unresponsive' or 'lazy' (*-arih*), it means that one feels no compassion for someone else – which is an attitude that is not always praised, even toward enemies.

### C. Yvinec & Agamenon Gamasakaka Suruí

(61) *Eebo "Kag̃oy ena mapãri ma, palodena sona i?" xixabapa adeke, ete yakadena asabalabiĩ soeydekena pãri amauraã yakena madane.*

*ee-bo* endo-advers *ka-koy* q-to *ee-na* endo-foc *ma-pãri* indf-make.noise *ma* q *palo-de-ee-na* someone-wit-endo-foc *sona* often *i* sfm.ndecl *xi-sab-ma-apa* 3sg-house-caus-burn *sade-ee-ka-e* prog.sim-endo-dat-sfm.wit *ee-te* endo-adv *i-sade-ee-na* 3sg-prog.sim-endo-foc *a-sab-alabiĩ* 3.refl-house-burning *so-ey-de-kah-ee-na* thing-pl-wit-go-endo-foc *pãri* make.noise *a-ma-ur-maã* 3.refl-poss-bow-take *i-sa-ee-na* 3sg-prog-endo-foc *ma-de-ani-e* indf-wit-gno-sfm.wit 'And while the house was burning up, he was watching and wondering: "Where is one making noise, is there someone?" because as one's house is in flames, one moves things about and makes noise in search of one's

bow.'

'Aí, quando a maloca estava queimando, ele observava-a pensando: "Onde está quem está fazendo barulho? Será que tem alguém aí dentro?" porque, quando a maloca de alguém está em chamas, este alguém mexe as coisas e faz barulho, procurando seu arco.'

(62) *"Ãtigareh!", tap, sok, ena xaka ene.*

*ã-tiga-reh* dem.prox-sim-hort.pl *tap* id:shoot.arrow *sok* id:hit.target *ee-na* endo-foc *xi-aka* 3sg-kill *ee-na-e*

endo-foc-sfm.wit

'"Let's shoot now!" he thought, he fired his arrow and hit his target, that's how he killed each one.'

'"Vamos flechar agora mesmo!" ele pensava, ele flechava e atingia o seu alvo, era assim que ele matava aquele.'

(63) *Ayabmi dena ãtiga manopetimag̃a, ãtiga manopetimag̃a, ãtiga manopetimag̃a, ãtiga manopetimag̃a.*

*a-yab-pi* dem.prox-endo-abl ∅*-de-ee-na* 3sg-wit-endo-foc *ã-tiga* dem.prox-sim *ma-ano-petimag̃a* other-standing.up-ambush *ã-tiga* dem.prox-sim *ma-ano-petimag̃a* other-standing.up-ambush

12 Suruí of Rondônia

*ã-tiga* dem.prox-sim *ma-ano-petimag̃a* other-standing.up-ambush *ã-tiga* dem.prox-sim *ma-ano-petimag̃a* other-standing.up-ambush 'And next to him, there was another one standing in ambush, and there another one, and there another one, and there another one.'<sup>38</sup>

'E aí perto dele, outro ficava emboscado, e lá mais um, e lá mais um, e lá mais um.'

(64) *Ete ãtiga manode mapa mokãyĩ, ãtiga mano, pãri dena amauraã yakade, masena, "Ãtigareh!", tap, enike.*

*ee-te* endo-adv *ã-tiga* dem.prox-sim *ma-ano-de* other-standing.up-wit *mapa* shoot.arrow *mokãy-ĩ* fire-inside *ã-tiga* dem.prox-sim *ma-ano* other-standing.up *pãri* noise ∅*-de-ee-na* 3sg-wit-endo-foc *a-ma-ur-maã* 3.refl-poss-bow-take *i-sade* 3sg-prog.sim *ma-sa-ee-na* other-prog-endo-foc *ã-tiga-reh* dem.prox-sim-hort.pl *tap* id:hit.target *ee-na-i-ka-e* endo-foc-3sg-dat-sfm.wit

'Then one of them shot an arrow in the fire, and, as someone made noise in search of his bow, another one standing there thought: "Let's shoot now," and did it to that one.'

'Aí um deles flechava no fogo, aí, quando alguém fazia barulho procurando seu arco, outro que ficava lá pensava: "Vamos flechar agora mesmo," e fazia isso contra aquele.'

(65) *""Ete oyena ena yã" iyã" de.*

*ee-te* endo-adv *o-ya-ee-na* 1sg-nwit-endo-foc *ee-na* endo-foc *ã* sfm.nwit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de* 3sg-wit '[My father] said: "He said: "So I did it that way.""' '[Meu pai] contou isso: "Ele contava: "Foi assim que eu fiz.""'

<sup>38</sup>Because of the size of their bows, which need to be held vertically, warriors in ambush had to wait standing upright, usually hiding themselves behind a tree trunk.

### C. Yvinec & Agamenon Gamasakaka Suruí

(66) *""Eebo labdena apa ya" iyã" de, ""ewewewaya, G̃oxorsade ana apabiar awerkar anokoy ewenamg̃a enikay ã' iyã" de, ""ano agaap alap, tap"". ee-bo* endo-advers *sab-de-ee-na* house-wit-endo-foc *a-apa* 3.refl-burn *ã* sfm.nwit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de* 3sg-wit *ewewaya* id:burning *G̃oxor-sade* Zoró-prog.sim *a-na* dem.prox-foc *a-pabiar* 3.refl-on.all.fours *a-werkar* 3.refl-walk *ano-koy* dem.dist-to *ewe-nam-ka* dem.endo-quantity-dat *ee-na-i-ka* endo-foc-3sg-dat *ã* sfm.nwit *i-yã* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de* 3sg-wit *ano* dem.dist *a-agaa-ap* 3.refl-belly-hole *a-alap* 3.refl-stretch.out *tap* id:hit.target '""The house was burning up, the Zoró crawled on all fours and stretched

out like this, and we shot at them.""<sup>39</sup>

'""A maloca estava queimando, o Zoró rastejando de quatro, assim, e o flechávamos.""

(67) *Nem, "awaĩ ikay ã" iyã" de, ""eeerh!""*

*nem* intj *a-waĩ* 3.refl-shoot.arrow *i-ka* 3sg-dat *ã* sfm.nwit *i-ya* 3sg-nwit ∅*-de* 3sg-wit *eeerh* id:dying '""One of us shot one of them, and he was dying.""' '""Aí um de nós o flechou, e ele ficou morrendo.""'

(68) *Ena omamõdena lahdg̃a ena mater e.*

*ee-na* endo-foc *o-ma-amõ-de-ee-na* 1sg-poss-grandfather-wit-endo-foc *lahd-ka* Indian.enemy-dat *ee-na* endo-foc *mater* long.ago *e* sfm.wit 'That's the way my grandfather treated the enemy long ago.' 'Foi assim que meu avô tratou o inimigo há muito tempo.'

(69) *Bo te.*

*bo* advers *te* adv 'That's it.' 'Foi isso.'

<sup>39</sup>The volume of the house, whose thatched roof burnt away very quickly, allowed the occupants to survive the fire, if they were not shot.

### **Acknowledgments**

Fieldwork on Suruí in 2013 was funded by a postdoctoral fellowship from the Fondation Fyssen and by the ANR project Fabriq'Am (ANR-12-CULT-005). I would like to thank Kristine Stenzel for her careful revision of linguistic concepts and English translations.


### **Non-standard abbreviations**

### **References**


### **Chapter 13**

## **Ka'apor**

Gustavo Godoy PPGAS-Museu Nacional, UFRJ

Wyrapitã Ka'apor

### **1 Introduction**

This narrative concerns an old woman who farted on a boy, making him ill. The title, a synthesis of the narrative, was proposed by Karairan (Raimundo Tembé) on the 4th of August, 2016:

(1) *a'i ymanihar ke kurumĩ pynu ixo*

*aʔi* old.woman *ɪman-haɾ-kɛ* formerly-nmlz-afc *kuɾumĩ* boy *ɾɛhɛ* at *∅-pɪnu* 3-fart *i-ʃɔ* 3-be 'A long time ago, a woman farted on a boy.'

(2) *aja me'ẽ ke kurumĩ u'y sepetu ixapekwar rupi kutuk aja-ɛ̃-kɛ* ana-nmlz-afc *kuɾumĩ* boy *uʔɪ-sɛpɛtu* arrow-spit *i-ʃapɛ* 3-vagina *kʷaɾ* hole *ɾupi* by *∅-kutuk* 3-pierce 'Afterwards, the boy pierced her through the anus with a wood-tipped arrow.'

The story was narrated by Wyrapitã Ka'apor, who is also known as Jamói, and recorded on the 15th of June 2014 in the village of *Xie pihun rena* (Centro Novo do Maranhão County, in the state of Maranhão). The transcription and analysis of the text were carried out by the storyteller and Gustavo Godoy, while he was conducting field research for his Master's degree in Anthropology (Godoy 2015).

G. Godoy and Wyrapitã Ka'apor

### **2 The Ka'apor and their languages**

The Ka'apor are an eastern Amazonian people who live in the western part of the state of Maranhão. In the 19th century, they lived in the state of Pará and, before 1800, further west in the Tocantins River basin (Balée 1994: 30–32). In 1911, the Brazilian government began the process of pacification of the Ka'apor, who were known for attacking local colonists (Ribeiro 1962); the Ka'apor population in 1928, when so-called pacification was concluded, has been estimated at 5,000 people. The current population in the Upper Turiaçu Indigenous Land is 2,300. Some Ka'apor also live among the Tembé (tupian), in the Alto Guamá Indigenous Land.

Figure 1: The Upper Turiaçu Indigenous Land and villages mentioned

The Ka'apor language is classified as belonging to the eastern branch of the Tupian family; it is part of the Tupi-Guarani set of the Maweti-Guarani sub-branch. The Ka'apor lexicon (Corrêa-da-Silva 1997; Balée 2006) shows colonial influences through the Língua Geral Amazônica (tupian). Its argument marking is similar to Nheengatu (Corrêa-da-Silva 2002), which descends from Língua Geral.

### 13 Ka'apor

Spoken Ka'apor is a vital language, actively transmitted between generations. Nonetheless, there has been a decline in the transmission of traditional genres, such as formulaic greetings and some types of songs. The Ka'apor have additionally developed a local sign language for communicating with the deaf, which has been in use since at least the 1940s (Kakumasu & Kakumasu 1988; Ferreira n.d. 1984; 2010).

### **3 Notes on the narrative**

The theme of the narrative presented here is also found among other indigenous peoples. The Bororo (macro-jê) version tells of the origin of disease and begins with a grandmother farting on her grandson's face after he refused to submit to male initiation. The Kĩsêdjê (jê) version deploys a flatulent mother-in-law (Nonato 2016: 1–2). The Kuikuro (upper xinguan cariban) version is very similar to that of the Kĩsêdjê (Franchetto, recordings and field notes from 1981).

While the Ka'apor and Bororo versions should be considered "serious" narratives, for the Kĩsêdjê and the Kuikuro, the theme of the flatulent mother-in-law is a feature of short and funny ("ugly") narratives. It is interesting to note the structural correspondences of the relations between the protagonists: a grandmother and grandson for the Bororo; an older woman and young boy for the Ka'apor; a mother-in-law and son-in-law in the Upper Xingu.

In the Ka'apor narrative, the eschatological event is intimately tied to the description of the behaviour of ancient killers, who were submitted to post-homicide seclusion. When the seclusion was over, the killers had to come out during the beer drinking ceremony (a drink made from the fermentation of cashews or manioc flat bread).

The plot involves four characters: a young boy (the protagonist), an elder woman (the antagonist), the youth's brother (co-protagonist) and the war chief (auxiliary). The boy grows increasingly pale (*tawa* 'yellow'), as the days go by, because of the intestinal gasses (*pɪnu*) that an old woman discharged on him. His brother grows suspicious and makes a small wooden-tipped arrow (*uʔɪ sepetu*) for the sick boy to kill the old woman. Feigning sleep, the boy stabs the arrow into the old woman's anus as she tries to fart on him once again. The malevolent woman soon falls ill and dies. The young boy confesses the homicide to the war chief (*tuʃa*), who advises him to go into post-homicide seclusion, lying down in his room (*kapɪ*). Finally, the young killer comes out during the beer drinking ceremony.

### G. Godoy and Wyrapitã Ka'apor

The narrative is, in fact, a reminder of this now defunct part of the beer ritual: the coming out of the killer. Furthermore, one of the four characters, the war chief, is a figure of the past.

The beer-drinking ceremony brings to an end the restrictions that fall on those who find themselves in states of susceptibility, such as the killer; its central moment is the naming ritual. In the narrative, the war chief tells the boy that he should come out after the "lifting of the children" (line 34) when the sponsors present the name of a baby. The beverage ritual is here called *akaju ɾɪkwɛɾ ŋã ʔu*, "the cashew beer drinking moment" (line 37).

Figure 2: The storyteller Jamói, at the moment when the men ask about the name of his goddaughter (*tajɪɾ-aŋa*). Her name, *Nanã akɪɾ* 'unripe pineapple', is then announced.

The killer would appear in the beer drinking ceremony carrying a pack of arrows. He remained at the place of the ceremony, looking east, immobile and impassive. An old man would go towards him with words of reprobation and revenge: "Hu-Hu-Hu! You attacked your comrade! Now it is you who will be (attacked)! Now I will draw your blood!"

The old man carried a tooth (from a trahira - a fish with a big mouth and sharp teeth - or from a Brazilian squirrel) which he used to scar the killer's legs (line 42), so as to expel the morbid blood in his body (line 43). This blood contained part of the dead person. Failure to extract it would cause the killer to go mad, affected by the murdered enemy. After scarification, the killer's vulnerability would come to an end, and he could then leave his room and wander the outside world without any danger (line 45) *pɛ sɔɾɔka ɾɛhɛ wata atu i-ʃɔ tĩ*).

13 Ka'apor

### **4 Notes on transcription and annotation**

The first line of the transcription is orthographic. The Ka'apor system of alphabetic writing is based on the phonemic analysis carried out by Kakumasu (1964); Kakumasu & Kakumasu (1988). Ka'apor has 15 phonemic consonants /p, t, k, kʷ, m, n, ŋ, ŋʷ, s, ʃ, j, ɾ, w, h, ʔ/; six phonemic oral vowels /i, ɪ, ɛ, a, ɔ, u/ and five nasal vowels /ĩ, ɛ̃, ã, ɔ̃, ũ/. In the orthography, the graphemes <ng, ', x, y, e, o> represent IPA /ŋ, ʔ, ʃ, ɪ, ɛ, ɔ/. The <ái, úi> sequence represent /aj, uj/.

### **5 A'i ymanhar ke kurumĩ rehe pynu ixo.**

### **'A long time ago, an old woman farted on a boy' 'Muito tempo atrás, uma velha pedou em um menino'**<sup>1</sup>

(1) *ta'yn uker ou 'y pytun rahã pame ame'ẽ a'i ai pynu oho ehe je*

*taʔɪn* child *u-kʷɛɾ* 3-sleep *ɔ* 2 -u 3-lay.down *ʔɪ* pfv *pɪtun* night *ɾahã* sr *pamɛ* each *amɛʔɛ̃* dei *aʔi* old.woman *ai* roguish *pɪnu*<sup>3</sup> *ɔ-hɔ ɛhɛ jɛ*4

fart 3-go 3.at hsy

'Night after night, while a boy was lying (down), it is said that an old roguish woman came to fart on him.'

'Dizem que, noite após noite, quando um menino estava deitado, uma velha escrota peidava em cima dele.'

<sup>1</sup>Recordings of this story are available from https://zenodo.org/record/997433

<sup>2</sup>There is no number distinction in the third person prefix, glossed simply as '3'. The allomorph of this prefix in active verbs is *u-*, when the verbal root is monosyllabic and does not contain the vowel /ɔ/. If the monosyllabic root has the vowel /ɔ/, the allomorph *ɔ-* is used. The third person person prefix *ɔ-* with the auxiliary verb *-u* 'to lay down' is a exception to this rule.

<sup>3</sup>When the verbal root has more than one syllable, no third person prefix is attached to it. In other words, the person mark is a zero allomorph (∅).

<sup>4</sup>Ka'apor does not have a system with several morphemes indexing different sources of the information, as in the grammaticalized evidentials used in Kotiria realis statements (cf. chapter 5 in this volume) or the more complex evindentiality systems of other Tupian languages, such as Kamauirá, Tapirapé, and Karo. The reported evidential *jɛ* 'hsy' (hearsay or reportative modality) is the only evidential morpheme in Ka'apor. *jɛ* does not imply disbelief on the part of the speaker in relation to the content of the mythical narrative, and it occurs in almost all sentences. This contrasts with the sparse occurrence of the quotative reported evidential *-yu'ka* and its pragmatic use in the Kotiria narrative (cf. Footnote 10 of the Kotiria narrative, Chapter 5). Indeed, in Ka'apor mythological narratives, the morpheme *je* codes a diffuse source of information, more like the 'diffuse' evidential *-yu'ti* in Kotiria (cf. Stenzel 2008).

(2) *pe pytun je tĩ pe pynu oho je tĩ*

*pɛ* then *pɪtun* night *jɛ* hsy *tĩ* again *pɛ* then *pɪnu* fart *ɔ-hɔ* 3-ho *jɛ* hsy *tĩ* again 'Each night that came, she farted on him again.' 'Outra noite chegava e ela peidava de novo.'

(3) *ta'yn ukwer ta je tĩ, ko a'i ihái ke piɾok hũ je pe i'aɾ pe pynu hũ*

*taʔɪn* child *u-kʷɛɾ-ta* 3-sleep-fut *jɛ* hsy *tĩ* again *kɔ* dei *aʔi* old.woman *i-haj-kɛ* 3-skirt-afc *piɾɔk-hũ* strip-intens *jɛ* hsy *pɛ i-ʔaɾ-pɛ pɪnu -hũ*

then 3-above-loc fart -intens

'When the boy went to sleep again, the old woman took off her skirt, it is said; then (she) farted on him a lot.'

'O menino ia dormir de novo e a tal velha tirava a sua saia; então, peidava um monte nele.'

(4) *pynupynu ate ehe je*

*pɪnu∼pɪnu-atɛ* fart*∼*red-intens *ɛhɛ* 3.at *jɛ* hsy 'She was really farting a lot on him.' 'Ficava peidando muito mesmo nele.'

(5) *pe oho je tĩ*

*pɛ* then *ɔ-hɔ* 3-go *jɛ* hsy *tĩ* again 'She went again (towards the boy).' 'E ela foi de novo (até o menino).'

(6) *ta'yn ke itawa imu parahy ahy ipe je*

*taʔɪn-kɛ* child-afc *i-tawa* 3-yellow *i-mu* 3-bɾother *paɾahɪ-ahɪ* angry-intens *i-pɛ* 3-dat *jɛ* hsy 'The boy was yellowish (sick), his brother was very angry with him.' 'O menino estava amarelado, seu irmão ficou bravo.'

(7) *"ne tawa te ne ke ã ne jyty'ym te amõ 'y"*

*nɛ-tawa-tɛ* 2sg-yellow-intens *nɛ-kɛã* 2sg-afc *nɛ-jɪtɪʔɪm-tɛ* 2sg-lazy-intens *amɔ̃* another *ʔɪ* pfv '"You are yellowish and very lazy too."' '"Você está amarelado e está preguiçoso também."'


*pɛ* then *aʔi* old.woman *i-hɔn* 3-go *i-ʃɔ* 3-aux *jɛ* hsy *ʔɪ* pfv 'Then the old woman went (towards the boy).' 'Então a velha foi (até o menino).'

(11) *pe ihái ke musyryk je, pe ta'yn ukwer atu je Pũũũ! japũi rehe pynu je pɛ* then *i-haj-kɛ* 3-skirt-afc *mu-sɪɾɪk* caus-strip *jɛ* hsy *pɛ* then *taʔɪn* child *u-kʷɛɾ-atu* 3-sleep-intens *jɛ* hsy *pũũũ* ideo *i-apũi ɾɛhɛ pɪnu jɛ*

3-nose loc fart hsy

'So, (she) she raised her own skirt, the child was sleeping deeply: *Puum*! She farted in his nose.'

'Ela levantou a saia, o menino estava dormindo bem: *Puum*! Ela peidou no nariz dele.'

(12) *pe … pe wera uwyr tĩ, pe imu panu ipe "myja ne xoha tĩ"*

*pɛ* then *pɛ* then *wɛɾa* light *uwɪɾ* come *tĩ* again *pɛ* then *i-mu* 3-brother *panu* tell *i-pɛ* 3-dat *mɪja* q *nɛ-ʃɔ-ha* 2sg-be-nmlz *tĩ*

again

'So … so the light (of the morning) came again, and his brother said: "What's wrong with you?"'

'Amanheceu de novo e o irmão perguntou: "O que está errado com você?"'

### G. Godoy and Wyrapitã Ka'apor

(13) *"epandu ihẽ pe rahã", pe imu pandu, "xe amõ a'i ihẽ rehe pynu ixo tĩ" "pytun rahã pame ihẽ rehe pynu" je; "a'erehe ihẽ ke atawa tái"*

*ɛ-pandu* 2sg.imp-tell *ihɛ̃-pɛ* 1sg-dat *ɾahã* hort *pɛ* so *i-mu* 3-brother *panu* tell *ʃɛ* dei *amɔ̃* another *aʔi* old.woman *ihɛ̃-ɾɛhɛ* 1sg-loc *pɪnu* fart *i-ʃɔ* 3-be *tĩ* again *pɪtun* night *ɾahã* sr *pamɛ* each *ihɛ̃-ɾɛhɛ* 1sg-loc *pɪnu* fart *jɛ* hsy *aʔɛ-ɾɛhɛ* 3-about *ihɛ̃-kɛ* 1sg-afc *a-tawa* 1sg-yellow *taj* intens '"Talk to me!" and his brother said: "The old woman is farting on me; every night she farts on me! That's why I'm turning yellow."' '"Conte para mim!" e o irmão respondeu: "A velha está peidando em mim;

todas as noites! Por isso estou amarelando."'

(14) *pe imu … u'y ra'yr mujã ipe je, u'y sepetu, yrapar ra'yr*

*pɛ* so *i-mu* 3-brother *uʔɪ* arrow *ɾaʔɪr* small *mujã* make *i-pɛ* 3-dat *jɛ* hsy *uʔɪ* arrow *sɛpɛtu* spit *ɪɾapaɾ* bow *ɾaʔɪɾ* small 'Then, his brother … made a small arrow with a tip of wood and a small bow for him.'

'Então, o irmão … fez uma flechinha para ele com ponta de madeira e um pequeno arco.'


*pɛ* so *aʔi* old.woman *ai* rogue *tuɾ* come *jɛ* hsy *tĩ* again 'The old woman came again.' 'A velha chegou novamente.'

<sup>5</sup>Kakumasu & Kakumasu (1988) translate the morpheme *kɪ̃*as 'definitive intention'.

(18) *pe sa'e a'i ihái, xirur ke pirok hũ je ihai ai ke*

*pɛ* so *saʔɛ* guy *aʔi* old.woman *i-haj* 3-skirt *ʃiɾuɾ-kɛ* short-afc *piɾɔk-hũ* strip-intens *jɛ* hsy *i-haj* 3-skirt *ai* bad *jɛ* hsy 'So he … the old woman raised her own old skirt, her pants.' 'Aí ele … a velha levantou sua saia, sua calça, levantou alto, a sua saia surrada.'

(19) *xape ai jumupirar te'e xoty je*

*i-ʃapɛ* 3-anus *ai* bad *ju-mu-piɾaɾ* refl-caus-open *tɛʔɛ* free *i-ʃɔtɪ* 3-towards *jɛ* hsy 'Her disgusting asshole opened towards the boy.' 'Seu cu nojento abriu muito na direção do menino.'

(20) *pe sa'e u'y ke hykýi je Sõõ xape kwar rupi ate jingo mondo je a'i ai ahem ate oho je*

*pɛ* so *saʔɛ* guy *uʔɪ-kɛ* arrow-afc *hɪkɪj* pull *jɛ* hsy *Sõõ* ideo *ʃapɛ* anus *kʷaɾ* hole *ɾupi* in *atɛ* intens *jingɔ* shoot *mɔnɔ* throw *jɛ* hsy *aʔi* old.woman *ai* roguish *ahɛm* scream *atɛ* intens *ɔ-hɔ* 3-go *jɛ* hsy

'So, he took the arrow and *Sõõ!* he shot it into her asshole, the arrow was stuck in her asshole. The nasty old woman screamed a lot.' 'Então, ele armou a flecha *Sõõ!* flechou bem no buraco de seu cu e a (velha) ficou com a flecha encravada. A velha foi gritando muito.'

(21) *pe a'i ai pynu 'ym je 'y amõ ku'em rahã sa'e … amõ wera uwyr je 'y pɛ* so *aʔɪ* old.woman *ai* roguish *pɪnu* fart *ʔɪm* neg *jɛ* hsy *ʔɪ* pfv *amɔ̃* another *kuʔɛm* morning *ɾahã* sr *saʔɛ* guy *amɔ̃* another *wɛɾa* light *uwɪɾ* come *jɛ* hsy *ʔɪ* pfv

'Then, the old woman didn't fart anymore; the next morning … Another day came.'

'Então a velha não peidou mais, na outra manhã … Chegou outro dia.'

(22) *pe pytun oho tĩ; a'i ju…ju… juwyr 'ym oho pytun rahã*

*pɛ* so *pɪtun* night *ɔhɔ* 3-go *tĩ* again *aʔi* old.woman *ju…ju…* [hesitation] *juwɪɾ* return *ʔɪm* neg *ɔhɔ* 3-go *pɪtun* night *ɾahã* sr 'So, night came again; [hesitation] the old woman didn't return.'

### G. Godoy and Wyrapitã Ka'apor

'Veio a noite novamente; [hesitação] a velha não voltou, quando foi a noite novamente.'


'No outro dia, a velha, aquela velha, adoeceu.'

(25) *pe sawa'e, ame'ẽ ta'ynuhu ukwa je*

*pɛ* so *sawaʔɛ* man *amɛʔɛ̃* ana *taʔɪn-uhu* child-intens *u-kʷa* 3-know *je* hsy 'That young boy already knew.' 'Aquele homem, aquele menino sabia.'

(26) *"pe'ẽ a'i ihẽ rehe pynu ixo riki ã, ame'ẽ pytun rahã" pɛʔɛ̃* dei *aʔi* old.woman *ihɛ̃* 1sg *ɾɛhɛ* in *pɪnu* fart *i-ʃɔ* 3-be *ɾikiã* emphasis *amɛʔɛ̃* ana *pɪtun* night *ɾahã* sr '"That old woman was farting on me that night."' '"Aquela velha estava peidando em mim aquela noite."'

(27) *sa'e ke pe túiha ke*

*saʔɛ-kɛ* guy-afc *pɛ* dei *tuj-ha-kɛ* stay-nmlz-afc 'There was the boy.' 'Ali estava o menino.'

<sup>6</sup>Not performed in speech, but indicated in the analysis.


*pɛ* so *tuʃa* chief *aja* dei *i-pɛ* 3-dat *jɛ* hsy 'So, the warrior chief said to him:' 'E o tuxaua assim falou para ele:'


*apɔ* now *kapɪ-pɛ* room-loc *tɛʔɛ* tɛʔɛ *ɛ-ju* 2sg.imp-lay.down *ɾĩ* ipfv '"Now, go off to your room.'" '"Agora, vá deitar no teu quarto.'"

G. Godoy and Wyrapitã Ka'apor

(34) *pe sa'e kapy pe túi je*

*pɛ* so *saʔɛ* guy *kapɪ-pɛ* room-loc *tuj* stay *jɛ* hsy 'He stayed in the room (in seclusion).' 'Ele ficou no quarto (em reclusão).'


*kapɪ* room *ĩ* abl *u-hɛm* 3-exit 'He left the seclusion room.' 'Ele saiu do quarto de reclusão.'

(37) *kujã ta ke upa mupinim*

*kujã-ta-kɛ* mulher-pl-afc *upa* all *mu-pinim* caus-painted 'All the women were painted.' 'Todas as mulheres foram pintadas.'

(38) *aja rahã sa'e a'e uhem ta'ynuhu, ta'ynuhu je*

*aja* ana *ɾahã* sr *saʔɛ* guy *aʔɛ* 3 *u-hɛm* 3-exit *taʔɪn-uhu* child-intens *taʔɪnuhu* child-intens *jɛ* hsy 'At this moment, the young man left the room.' 'Foi neste o momento que o jovem saiu da reclusão.'

(39) *ma'e… huwy ke*

*maʔɛ* hesitation *huwɪ-kɛ* blood-afc 'And … The blood … ' 'Ee … Sangue …'

<sup>7</sup>Although there is no distinction between plural and singular inthe third person prefix, Ka'apor has the free pronoun *ŋã* to index third person plural.

(40) *upa tymã mu'i huwy ke upa muhãi je*

*upa* all *tɪmã* leg *muʔi* scarify *huwɪ-kɛ* blood-afc *upa* all *muhãj* disperse *jɛ* hsy

'The lower part of his legs was scarified; the (bad) blood was totally dispersed.'

'A parte de baixo de suas pernas foram escarificada; todo o sangue (ruim) foi retirado.'

(41) *huwy ahyha ke, a'i ruwy ke ame'ẽja saka je*

*huwɪ* blood *ahɪ–ha-kɛ* pain-nmlz-afc *aʔi* old.woman *ɾuwɪ-kɛ* blood-afc *amɛʔɛ̃-ja* dei-ana *saka* like *jɛ* hsy

'The evil and toxic blood, it was as if it were the blood of the old woman.' 'O sangue insalubre e mórbido, era como se fosse o sangue da velha.'

(42) *pe … aja rahã katu je tĩ*

*pɛ* so *aja* ana *ɾahã* sr *katu* good *jɛ* hsy *tĩ* again 'So … In this way he became well again.' 'Então … deste jeito o jovem ficou bom.'

(43) *pe soroka rehe wata atu ixo tĩ pɛ* so *sɔɾɔka* outside *ɾɛhɛ* by *wata* walk *atu* good *i-ʃɔ* 3-be *tĩ* again 'And he was able to walk outside again.' 'E ele pode andar de novo tranquilamente do lado de fora.'

### **Acknowledgments**

I thank Jamói for his teachings; he is one of my main consultants among the Ka'apor. I am also grateful to Bruna Franchetto and Kristine Stenzel for their revisions and suggestions, Luiz Costa for a first English translation of the Introduction, and Manuella Godoy, who helped me with the final details of the map. My work on Ka'apor as an MA student was supported by a grant to the Graduate Program in Social Anthropology (UFRJ) from the of Program for Continuing Academic Development (CAPES, Brazilian Ministry of Education).

### **Non-standard abbreviations**


### **References**


## **Name index**

Agostinho, Pedro, 28 Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y., 6, 7, 285 Andrello, Geraldo, 191

Balée, William, 468 Basso, Ellen B., 28, 30, 91, 134, 136 Bastos, Rafael, 137 Birchall, Joshua, 6 Bolaños, Katherine, 209, 277 Bontkes, Carolyn, 442 Bozzi, Ana Maria Ospina, 14 Brunelli, Gilio, 444 Bruno, Ana Carla, 9

Cabalzar, Aloisio, 191 Camargo, Eliane, 141 Campbell, Lyle, 6, 8 Cardoso, Walmir Thomazi, 282 Carneiro, Robert, 28 Castro Alves, Flávia de, 335 Cesarino, Pedro de Niemeyer, 140, 141, 160 Chernela, Janet, 191, 192 Corrêa-da-Silva, Beatriz C., 468 Crevels, Mily, 7 de Oliveira, Lucia Alberta Andrade,

190 De Vienne, Emmanuel, 181 Demolin, Didier, 195 Derbyshire, Desmond, 8 Dixon, Robert W., 6

dos Santos, Gélsama M. F., 27, 91 Dourado, Luciana, 165

Emmerich, Charlotte, 165 Epps, Patience, 1, 6, 7, 13, 191, 209, 277, 278, 283, 285, 286, 305

Fargetti, Cristina M., 165 Fausto, Carlos, 25 Ferreira, Lucinda, 469 Fleck, David W., 141 Franchetto, Bruna, 2, 8, 24, 25, 27, 30, 32, 34–36, 69, 90, 91, 134

Gabas Júnior, Nílson, 334 Galucio, Ana Vilacy, 334–336, 347 Galvão, Eduardo, 164 Gildea, Spike, 16, 335 Godoy, Gustavo, 467 Gomez-Imbert, Elsa, 194, 197, 202, 285 Guerreiro, Antonio, 135, 166 Guirardello-Damian, Raquel, 164, 165, 177, 168–172, 180

Hammond, Jeremy, 16 Haude, Katharina, 9 Heckenberger, Michael J., 25, 167

Jacobsen, William, 360

Kakumasu, James Y., 469, 471, 474 Kakumasu, K., 469, 471, 474

### Name index

Kalin, Laura, 27 Kaufman, Terrence, 165 Koch-Grünberg, Theodor, 249

Lacerda Guerra, Mariana, 442 Lima, Suzi O., 27 Londoño Sulkin, Carlos D., 283

Mehinaku, Mutua, 91 Meira, Sérgio, 24 Mindlin, Betty, 439 Monod-Becquelin, Aurore, 164 Montagner, Delvair, 140 Moore, Denny, 1, 334 Murphy, Robert, 163, 166, 167 Muysken, Pieter, 6, 9

Nonato, Rafael, 359, 469

Oliveira, Melissa, 282 O'Connor, Loretta, 6

Payne, Doris L., 6

Quain, Buell, 163, 166, 167 Queixalós, Francesc, 16

Rabello, Aline Varela, 91 Ramirez, Henri, 285 Ribeiro, Darcy, 468 Rice, Keren, 2 Rodrigues, Aryon, 165, 334 Ruedas, Javier, 139

Salanova, Andrés, 1, 6, 7 Santos, Ludoviko Carnasciali, 359 Santos, Mara, 27, 30, 34 Santos-Granero, Fernando, 283 Seki, Lucy, 165 Silva, Glauber R. da, 25 Silva, Maria Fátima S., 408

Simões, Mário, 164 Stenzel, Kristine, 2, 7, 189–191, 194, 195, 197, 202, 221, 255, 270, 278, 283, 285, 471

Thomas, Guillaume, 30 Trindade, José Galvez, 190

Uzendoski, Michael, 283

Valenzuela, Pilar, 141 Van der Meer, Tina H., 442 van der Voort, Hein, 6, 7, 407 van Gijn, Rik, 9, 16 Vilaça, Aparecida, 283 Villas Boas, Claudio, 28, 163 Villas Boas, Orlando, 28, 163 Viveiros de Castro, Eduardo, 283 von den Steinen, Karl, 25, 164 Voort, Hein van der, 389

Waltz, Carolyn, 192 Waltz, Nathan E., 192 Welper, Elena, 139

Yvinec, Cédric, 439, 442

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## On this and other worlds

This edited volume offers a collection of twelve interlinear texts reflecting the vast linguistic diversity of Amazonia as well as the rich verbal arts and oral literature traditions of Amazonian peoples. Contributions to the volume come from a variety of geographic regions and represent the Carib, Jê, Tupi, East Tukano, Nadahup, and Pano language families, as well as three linguistic isolates. The selected texts exemplify a variety of narrative styles recounting the origins of constellations, crops, and sacred cemeteries, and of travel to worlds beyond death. We hear tales of tricksters and of encounters between humans and other beings, learn of battles between enemies, and gain insight into history and the indigenous perspective of creation, cordiality and confrontation.

The contributions to this volume are the result of research efforts conducted since 2000, and as such, exemplify rapidly expanding investment and interest in documenting native Amazonian voices. They moreover demonstrate the collaborative efforts of linguists, anthropologists, and indigenous leaders, storytellers, and researchers to study and preserve Amazonian languages and cultures. Each chapter offers complete interlinear analysis as well as ample commentary on both linguistic and cultural aspects, appealing to a wide audience, including linguists, historians, anthropologists, and other social scientists. This collection is the first of its type, constituting a significant contribution to focused study of Amazonian linguistic diversity and a relevant addition to our broader knowledge of Amerindian languages and cosmologies.